Rubio Offers Full-Throated Support for Immigration Bill

Senator Marco Rubio offered an extraordinary endorsement of legislation to overhaul the nation’s badly strained immigration system on Sunday when, after holding back for weeks, he appeared on no fewer than seven television talk shows to explain and defend a plan that he said would be “a net positive for the country, now and in the future.”

As Mr. Rubio, a Florida Republican who is a member of a bipartisan group of eight senators preparing to unveil their immigration legislation on Tuesday, pressed his case again and again on the airwaves, new details of the bill emerged. Prominent among them was a proposed fee of roughly $2,000 that illegal immigrants would have to pay before they could earn legal status.

As part of that plan, which was still being completed on Sunday, these immigrants would have to pay $500 when they apply for a temporary work permit, and would have the next 10 years to pay the remaining $1,500 or so, a person familiar with the negotiations said.

Republicans in particular have insisted that the 11 million illegal immigrants already in the country should face a tough path — including paying a fee, getting in line behind those seeking citizenship but who have not lived in the country illegally, and learning English — before they could apply for citizenship.

A Senate aide described the $2,000 figure as “significant but not impossible, punitive but not unreasonable.” Democrats and immigration advocates had originally pushed for a lower amount.

Mr. Rubio’s one-man media blitz on Sunday was a striking show of confidence for a lawmaker who only weeks ago had been a voice of caution, a counterweight to the optimism being expressed by others in the group.

On Sunday, by discussing the plan on the five major network talk shows and on the Spanish-language networks Telemundo and Univision, he was clearly signaling that the plan was ready for scrutiny by the public and by Congress, and that he was prepared to throw his full weight behind it — perhaps, at the same time, risking his own prospects for a widely expected presidential run in 2016.

His tone seemed to reflect those high stakes.

In each appearance he spoke with a sense of urgency, arguing that the plan did not constitute amnesty for illegal immigrants. He said that they would receive no federal benefits during the 13 or so years it would take them to qualify for full citizenship and that the plan depended on tougher border security and better systems for verifying the employment and legal standing of people already in the country.

The new plan would also include a path to citizenship for an additional 500,000 or more people who are currently in “limbo” status — including refugees; people who face persecution in their home countries; and people with visas specifically designated for trading and investing with countries with which the United States has signed treaties of commerce and navigation, another person familiar with the bill said.

Mr. Rubio’s status as a Tea Party member, a prominent young Latino and a rising star in the Republican Party means his imprimatur on the legislation will carry weight. One leading Republican, Senator Lindsey Graham of South Carolina, praised Mr. Rubio last week as “indispensable” and “a game changer.”

The timing of the plan’s formal introduction remained unclear, though the group was hoping to go public with its bill on Tuesday. Mr. Rubio would say only that it would come “as early as this week.” But a Democrat in the bipartisan group, Senator Charles E. Schumer of New York, said that all remaining hurdles had been removed.

“I see nothing in the way,” Mr. Schumer said on the ABC News program “This Week,” “and I think you’ll see a major agreement that’s balanced, that’s fair, that will have the widespread support of the American people on Tuesday.”

Ultimate passage is far from guaranteed. But Republicans are deeply concerned about attracting Latino voters — Mr. Obama won 70 percent of their votes last year — and the measure is seen as the major element of the president’s second-term agenda that has the best prospects.

The Senate group’s push for an immigration overhaul was also being greeted on Sunday as an example of the sort of productive bipartisan cooperation that has become exceedingly rare in Washington.

“The eight of us have met in the middle, and I think that’s where the American people are,” Mr. Schumer said. He had only praise for Mr. Rubio, whom he called “a tremendous asset here.”

Even Karl Rove, the former political adviser to President George W. Bush who is known as a hard-nosed partisan strategist, welcomed the cooperation on immigration.

“The Democrats and Republicans here have tried to cobble together a bill that is thoughtful, sensitive, tough, and with an eye toward getting something done,” Mr. Rove said on “Fox News Sunday.”

Whatever the outcome, he said, it showed leadership on Mr. Rubio’s part. Concerning the presidential race in 2016, he added, “I think it helps him.”

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Rubio, Amid Planning, Is Yet to Commit on Immigration Bill

Given the disdain some conservatives reserve for Republicans who consort publicly with Democrats, he had reason to be.

The next time Mr. Rubio is likely to appear with his colleagues in the eight-person bipartisan group could be an even bigger moment, when its members officially introduce joint immigration legislation this month. The probable tableau seems ready-made for problems in the 2016 Republican presidential primary fight in which many expect Mr. Rubio to partake: images of Mr. Rubio, smiling and celebrating alongside Democratic senators and maverick Republicans as he claims co-authorship of an overhaul of the nation’s immigration laws that many Republicans will reject.

And so the question percolating on Capitol Hill has become: Will Mr. Rubio, an up-and-coming young conservative elected on a 2010 Tea Party wave, ultimately sign onto the immigration bill that he has been helping to draft ever since the November election?

“We have to see if the Boy Wonder plays ball or not,” said Frank Sharry, executive director of America’s Voice, a pro-immigration group.

For now, the answer — among members of the bipartisan group, immigration watchers and even Mr. Rubio’s own staff — is a tentative yes, even with Mr. Rubio increasingly urging caution about racing ahead with any immigration measure as the unveiling draws nigh.

“We understand Marco is not going to be rushed into anything,” said Senator Charles E. Schumer, Democrat of New York and a member of the group. “But we don’t doubt his commitment to seeing this through at all.”

In recent days, Mr. Rubio has begun to sound nervous again when it comes to the immigration legislation. He sent a letter to Senator Patrick J. Leahy, the Vermont Democrat who is chairman of the Judiciary Committee, counseling against “excessive haste” in changing immigration law. On Sunday, just moments before two of his fellow bipartisan group members were set to appear on NBC’s “Meet the Press,” he released a statement that warned, “No final agreement on immigration legislation yet.”

Mr. Rubio finds himself in an extremely delicate position as a rising conservative hero and a proponent of immigration law changes. As much as the fate of the bipartisan group’s legislation hangs on Mr. Rubio, who is perhaps the only member of the group with the conservative credentials to sell the plan to skeptical voters, the fate of Mr. Rubio’s ambitions for higher office are also inextricably bound up with the immigration legislation and his base’s reaction to it.

So far, Mr. Rubio has seen early success wooing grass-roots Republican voters. When he joined the bipartisan group late last year, after Mitt Romney lost the presidential election in part because he was overwhelmingly rejected by Hispanic voters, Mr. Rubio quickly went on a one-man blitz of conservative news media outlets, explaining his guiding immigration principles and winning plaudits from the likes of Rush Limbaugh and Sean Hannity.

“The argument is that it’s not conservative policy to have 11 million illegal immigrants in this country,” said Phil Musser, a Republican consultant and former executive director of the Republican Governors Association. “By showing up and by boldly deciding to engage people who have had their fingers in their ears on this issue, he’s been able to decalcify a process that’s been stuck for a long time.”

He and his staff have studied the mistakes of the last attempt at immigration overhaul, in 2007, and have tailored their pitch to address conservative concerns. Mr. Rubio stresses that strict goals for border security must be met before any illegal immigrants can be put on a path to citizenship. And he talks of refining the current system — from increased enforcement to a workable plan for future legal immigrants — saying he wants to ensure the country does not face another wave of illegal immigrants down the road.

“His emphasis on strong border security and enforcement is a big deal, and I think the Democrats are finally beginning to get that, and I think that is because of his strong leadership and communication skills,” said Mel Martinez, a former Republican senator from Florida who was part of the failed 2007 attempt at an immigration overhaul.

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Win or lose, immigration risk for GOP

As comprehensive immigration reform continues to gain momentum, many Republicans are hopeful that passing a bill that includes a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants will draw more Hispanics into the party.

Younger voters offer potential gains for gop

According to a June poll by Latino Decisions, 31percent of Latinos said they would be willing to vote Republican if Republicans took a lead role in passing reforms that include a pathway to citizenship for undocumented immigrants.

The Republican Party also has the potential to make gains with younger Latino voters, said Gary Segura, a political-science professor at Stanford University and a principal at the polling firm.

Younger voters are less likely to have party affiliations and more likely to be open to efforts to reach out to them than older voters, he said.

About 50,000 Latino citizens in the U.S. reach voting age every month, Segura said.

But it's a big gamble for Republicans, who took a beating in November, when President Barack Obama won re-election with more than 70percent of the Latino vote and congressional candidates saw similar results.

If the effort fails, Latinos will likely blame Republicans, many of whom -- especially in the House -- remain opposed to any sort of legalization program for illegal immigrants. That result would further tarnish the party's image among Latino voters, pushing them in even greater numbers to the Democratic Party, analysts say.

If the effort succeeds, some Republicans fear it could eventually have the same effect. The reforms being debated propose giving undocumented immigrants a chance to eventually legalize their status and citizenship, which could create millions of new Democratic voters, because Latinos tend to vote Democratic.

There are an estimated 11million illegal immigrants in the U.S.

According to the Pew Hispanic Center, as of March 2010, Mexicans made up about 58percent of the unauthorized immigrant population, with an estimated 6.5million people. Other nations in Latin America accounted for 23percent of unauthorized immigrants, or 2.6million people. Asia accounted for 11percent, or about 1.3million people, and Europe and Canada accounted for 4 percent, or 500,000 people. African countries and other nations represented about 3percent, or 400,000 people.

Analysts and Republican backers of reform are urging skeptics to take the long view, saying that passing immigration reform is necessary for the Republican Party to have any hope of attracting more support from the fast-growing Latino electorate, which made up 10percent of the voters in November's presidential election and includes huge numbers of young U.S.-born Latinos who are turning 18 -- voting age -- every day.

They say it is unlikely that the Republican Party will split the Latino vote with Democrats any time soon.

But passing an immigration-reform bill that includes a pathway to citizenship could help burnish the party's brand with Latinos turned off by the tough stance some Republicans have taken on immigration, helping draw at least a larger share of the Latino vote.

"I am under no illusion -- and I don't think any of my colleagues are on the Republican side -- that when we pass this, even if we are out front leading the parade, that we are going to get 50percent of the Hispanic vote next time," said Sen. Jeff Flake, R-Ariz. Flake, a longtime supporter of immigration reform, is among the so-called Gang of Eight senators leading the way on reform.

Passing an immigration bill would help Republicans move beyond the immigration issue, Flake and other Republican leaders say, allowing the party to begin reaching out to Latinos on other issues, such as jobs and the economy. Those are issues Republicans believe resonate with Latino voters but have been drowned out by angry rhetoric on immigration from some members of the party.

"It's tough to talk to them about those issues when they don't think you like them," Flake said during a recent meeting with The Arizona Republic and 12 News. "And rightly or wrongly, fair or unfair, I think that's been the case over the past couple of cycles. They have a view that we don't like them very much, and I do think that has to change."

It's not just Latinos who have been put off by the Republicans embrace of tough immigration policies, Flake said.

"I don't see this just as a Hispanic problem," Flake said. "There are a lot of Republicans who have left the party or don't vote for the Republican on the ticket because they think, 'Can't we have a party or somebody running for office that has a realistic view on some things?' And I think on immigration we have not had a realistic view. I don't think self-deportation was a realistic view. So, it goes beyond the Hispanic vote."

During last year's presidential campaign, Mitt Romney said during a GOP debate in Tampa that he favored "self-deportation" over providing a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants.

Obama played up the comment on the campaign trail, and it prompted Ana Navarro, a Republican strategist who worked on Sen. John McCain's 2008 presidential campaign, to say on Twitter on Election Night: "Mitt Romney self-deported himself from the White House."

Principles for reform

Last week, the Senate Judiciary Committee held the first immigration hearing in the chamber since a bipartisan group of senators released a blueprint for overhauling the nation's immigration system. The principles call for creating a pathway to citizenship for undocumented immigrants once the nation's borders have been deemed secured, among other reforms.

In addition to Flake, the group includes three key Republicans -- Sens. John McCain of Arizona, Lindsey Graham of South Carolina, and Marco Rubio of Florida -- all of whom will play key roles in persuading other Republicans to reach a compromise with Democrats over the highly contentious issue.

The Democrats in the group are Sens. Dick Durbin of Illinois, Robert Menendez of New Jersey, Charles Schumer of New York and Michael Bennet of Colorado.

Over the weekend, USA Today obtained a draft of a White House immigration proposal that would allow illegal immigrants to become legal permanent residents within eight years.

The plan also would provide for more security funding and require business owners to check the immigration status of new hires.

In addition, illegal immigrants could apply for a newly created "Lawful Prospective Immigrant" visa.

White House spokesman Clark Stevens told USA Today that the administration supports bipartisan efforts on immigration reform in Congress, but some read the leaked legislation as intended to pressure lawmakers into moving more quickly.

Rubio was critical of the administration's draft proposal, saying it repeats the failures of past legislation and would be "dead on arrival" in Congress.

Mark Garces, a Florida lawyer who is a spokesman for the Republican National Hispanic Assembly, a group that works to increase the number of Hispanic Republicans, said passing a bill would help prevent Latino voters from flocking to the Democratic Party.

In the past, he said, Democrats have successfully used immigration as a political "wedge issue" to divide the Republican Party and draw Latino voters away from the GOP, he said. That would be harder to do if Republicans helped pass a compromise bill with Democrats, he said.

Garces said he favors the approach proposed by the Gang of Eight, which calls for giving undocumented immigrants a pathway to citizenship as long as the border has been deemed secured, they pay fines and other penalties, and they don't receive permanent residency before others who have been waiting for years to come to the U.S. legally.

Latinos a political force

Latino voters are a powerful political force.

They made up 10percent of the electorate in the November presidential election.

And the number of eligible Latino voters is projected to skyrocket from 23.7million in 2012 to more than 40million in 2030, according to the Pew Hispanic Center.

Latino voters come from diverse backgrounds, but they tend to vote largely Democratic, said Joe Garcia, director of Arizona State University's Morrison Institute Latino Public Policy Center.

Even so, there are several issues important to Latino voters that "line up well" with Republicans, Garcia said.

Those issues include "family, faith, patriotism and small-business entrepreneurship," in addition to the economy and jobs, he said.

"When you get the harsh immigration-hardliner issue off the table, the GOP thinks it matches very nicely with some other key elements of what Latino voters are looking for," Garcia said. "They don't need to get all the Latino votes, they just need to get a larger chunk in order to make a difference in the elections."

The 27percent of the Latino vote that Romney received was the lowest for a Republican presidential candidate since Bob Dole received 21percent in 1996 against President Bill Clinton, according to the Pew Hispanic Center.

Yet while some Republican leaders have begun calling for immigration reforms, others continue to advocate for harsh immigration policies that Latino voters interpret as being anti-Hispanic, said Gary Segura, a political-science professor at Stanford University and a principal at Latino Decisions, a polling firm.

Mixed feelings

Rudy Peña, 60, a plumber who lives in Tolleson, is on the board of directors of the Arizona Republican Latino Association.

Although Peña is a "lifelong" Democrat, he usually votes Republican and voted for Romney in November.

He is adamantly opposed to Republicans supporting immigration reform for the sake of drawing more Latino voters to the Republican Party. "What it amounts to is pandering, and Latinos recognize that is pandering," Peña said.

Peña would rather see the Republican Party push for border security first as well as greater enforcement of existing immigration laws while reaching out to Latino voters on other issues such as jobs and the economy.

He has mixed feelings about giving undocumented immigrants a pathway to citizenship.

On one hand, working in the construction industry, he said he has seen firsthand "how hard they work," Peña said. On the other, he believes giving undocumented immigrants a pathway to citizenship would reward people who entered unlawfully and would be unfair to others who have tried to come to the U.S. legally.

"It really does shortchange the 5million or so who are going through the process the right way," he said. "It can't just be a question of the 11million (undocumented immigrants) who are here. What happens to the 5million who are waiting?"

Attracting more Latino voters to the Republican Party won't be easy, Segura said.

The Republican Party's image already has been badly damaged with Latino voters because of the tough stances some Republicans have taken on immigration.

"I don't hear a GOP message on immigration. I hear some senators who have reached a less-hostile position," Segura said. "But the noise coming out of the House of Representatives today and throughout the entire period has not been encouraging by any stretch. So, I don't think there is a unified Republican message on this by any measure."

In the past, Latinos tended to join the Republican Party as they gained affluence, Segura said.

But that support has been eroded because immigration tends to be a deeply personal issue for Latino voters. In a June poll by Latino Decisions, 60percent of Latino voters surveyed said they have a relative who is undocumented or know someone who is undocumented.

"The issue for the Republicans is not whether doing immigration reform is going to save them," Segura said. "It's whether not doing immigration reform is going to doom them forever."

USA Today contributed to this article.

Copyright 2012 The Arizona Republic|azcentral.com. All rights reserved.For more information about reprints & permissions, visit our FAQ's. To report corrections and clarifications, contact Standards Editor Brent Jones. For publication consideration in the newspaper, send comments to letters@usatoday.com. Include name, phone number, city and state for verification. To view our corrections, go to corrections.usatoday.com.

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Carmona's focus: Jobs, immigration

Richard Carmona's television campaign ads paint a rugged portrait of the Democratic Senate candidate: a decorated Green Beret, a trauma surgeon, a SWAT team leader and a U.S. surgeon general who battled "political interference" from higher-ups in President George W. Bush's administration.

Richard Carmona

Age: 62.

Education: Bronx Community College of the City, University of New York, associate degree, 1973; University of California-San Francisco, bachelor's degree in biology and chemistry, 1977; University of California-San Francisco, medical degree, 1979; University of Arizona, master's degree in public health, 1998.

Family: Wife Diane. Four children.

Work experience: Vice chairman, Canyon Ranch, 2006-present; president, Canyon Ranch Institute, 2006-present; and distinguished professor of public health, Mel and Enid Zuckerman College of Public Health, University of Arizona, 2006-present. Past: Department surgeon, SWAT-team leader and deputy, Pima County Sheriff's Department, 1986-2002.

Previous public office: U.S. surgeon general, 2002-06.

Top issues:

Job creation.

Immigration reform.

Balanced budget.

Social Security and Medicare preservation.

National security and veterans issues.

Women's health care.

Source: Carmona's campaign website, carmonaforarizona.com/priorities

During the Vietnam War, Carmona was awarded two Bronze Stars, two Purple Hearts and a combat medical badge. His law-enforcement experience with the Pima County Sheriff's Department includes action-packed episodes such as a risky 1992 mountainside rescue of a helicopter-crash survivor and a 1999 gunbattle in which he killed a man who was menacing a woman. Carmona was wounded in the leg during a 1988 SWAT standoff in which an armed man was killed.

"He's a local hero and a national hero," said veteran Pima County Sheriff Clarence Dupnik, a Democrat. "I have nothing but admiration and respect for this guy. He's a brilliant doctor and an extremely talented individual."

But Carmona, 62, also has long been dogged by questions about his leadership style, which critics characterize as contentious.

The acting Health and Human Services Department deputy who supervised him as surgeon general told a congressional investigatory committee in 2007 that she felt threatened by him.

And his career in southern Arizona's health-care industry has been at times controversial, with him leaving two high-profile positions amid criticism.

Those episodes are providing fodder for Carmona's opponent, Republican Rep. Jeff Flake. Polls indicate the race is neck and neck.

But Carmona's experience working with members of both parties is complicating Flake's efforts to portray him as a "rubber stamp" for President Barack Obama, who with other senior Democrats encouraged him to seek the seat of retiring GOP Sen. Jon Kyl as a Democrat.

A lifelong registered independent, Carmona was nominated as the nation's 17th surgeon general by Bush, a Republican, in 2002 and strongly endorsed for that position by Arizona's two Republican senators.

Carmona, who lists on his campaign website priorities that include job creation, comprehensive immigration reform, women's issues and preserving Social Security, boasts that Republicans had previously tried to recruit him to run for governor and Congress.

"When I read his resume, I have to tell you that it seems it's like a resume from 10 different people," actress Lynda Carter, best known for her role as 1970s television superhero "Wonder Woman," said at a recent "Women for Carmona" event in Scottsdale. "I have played the role. He is the role."

A long resume

While his ads highlight his achievements, there is more to Carmona's resume than battlefield and law-enforcement heroics.

He helped establish Tucson Medical Center's trauma unit but was let go in 1993, according to contemporary media reports. He sued and secured a public apology and a confidential settlement that the Arizona Daily Star reported at $3.9million.

Later, he took over the financially troubled Kino Community Hospital in Tucson and ran Pima County's health-care system. Under pressure over financial issues, Carmona stepped down in 1999.

Some of those issues came up a decade ago, when Bush tapped Carmona as surgeon general. Only now are they becoming election-season fodder because, unlike Flake, a six-term congressman who won the Republican Senate nomination after a no-holds-barred primary fight, Carmona ran unopposed in the Democratic primary.

Now, Flake has started making an issue of Carmona's past in campaign mailers and ads.

For his part, Carmona pointed out that the issues in his health-care-management career were known to the senators who considered his nomination as surgeon general. He said he made tough leadership decisions at the time "with compassion for the people."

"But here's the important point: Every one of those allegations was investigated by the U.S. Senate when I went up for confirmation," Carmona said after the Scottsdale event. "And I received a unanimous confirmation from the United States Senate, so that should answer any questions as to the veracity of any of those allegations."

An exhaustive 2002 Los Angeles Times report on Carmona raised questions about his temperament and management skills, spotlighting allegations that he bullied a nurse in 1991, drove off Kino Community Hospital's veteran chief of surgery in 1996 and berated a member of the Pima County Health Care Commission in 1999.

The late Sen. Edward Kennedy, D-Mass., asked about his "confrontational" style at Carmona's July9, 2002, Senate confirmation hearing and specifically cited his publicized clash with Sylvia Campoy, the health commissioner.

Carmona said some personal friction was inevitable as an "agent of change," charged with introducing "contemporary management techniques to a dying system that is struggling to care for indigent patients."

"At times, that is upsetting to people who live in the status quo for a long time," Carmona said at the hearing. "And because of that, sometimes those of us who do step out might be characterized as confrontational. … But I would say emphatically that I always treated my patients, my staff and co-workers with the greatest respect."

However, questions about the way Carmona has treated colleagues did not end when he became surgeon general.

In May, Politico reported allegations against Carmona made in secret 2007 testimony before the Oversight and Government Reform Committee by Cristina Beato, who oversaw the surgeon general in her role as acting assistant secretary of health. According to the transcript of her testimony, Beato said Carmona "has problems with women" and "had a very difficult time having a female Hispanic supervisor."

Beato, a single mother, also alleged that twice Carmona pounded on her door after midnight in an effort to resume ongoing arguments and that she felt threatened by his behavior. Beato and Carmona both resided on the National Institutes of Health campus in Maryland.

The Carmona campaign has dismissed Beato's claims as fiction.

"This was a lady that was very politically motivated, who was aspiring to a higher position and then lied on her resume and got caught, and we held her accountable, so she lashed out," Carmona said. "But the fact is that Congress investigated those allegations, and they were all found to be false."

In a telephone interview, Beato said that her testimony was delivered under oath and was truthful and that Congress did not investigate her claims. She acknowledged making mistakes on her resume but said that Bush continued to stand by her nomination.

"No, I do not make this stuff up," Beato told The Republic. "And I did fear for my life, and I am not a little withering flower, either. It was personally very frightening."

Political leanings

In ads, the Flake campaign has tried to portray Carmona as a "rubber stamp" for Obama, arguing that a vote for Carmona equals a vote for the president's agenda.

Carmona counters that even as a presidential appointee, he was hardly a mouthpiece for Bush.

In fact, his battle with the Bush administration and his claim that officials tried to muzzle him on health issues such as stem-cell research and the dangers of secondhand smoke are part of his campaign narrative that he is not beholden to either political party.

Carmona, who is of Puerto Rican descent, has courted moderate voters and presented himself as an independent-minded problem solver who could forge solutions to lingering issues such as the broken immigration system and help restore the public's trust in government.

"I was an independent when I was surgeon general ? and always saw my job as really being nonpartisan in dealing with health and safety and security issues of the nation," Carmona said earlier this year in a Fox News Latino interview.

"But as I moved forward to be considering running for the U.S. Senate and I looked at where the Republican Party was on certain issues in my state, like on women's health, on immigration, some of the educational issues, I really couldn't align with them there. The fact is that the Democratic Party was more closely aligned with where my values were on key issues in our state."

'Take-charge guy'

Former Sen. Dennis DeConcini, D-Ariz., a Carmona supporter, described Carmona as "a take-charge guy" and speculated that might rub some the wrong way.

"When you are a leader, sometimes the people you lead don't always agree with you," said DeConcini, who held the Senate seat Carmona is seeking from 1977 to 1995. "That's what I chalk it up to. He may have a temper. Hell, I don't know who hasn't ever gotten mad. I have never seen that."

Rep. Raúl Grijalva, D-Ariz., another Carmona ally, was a Pima County supervisor when Carmona headed Kino Community Hospital and the county health system. Although Carmona's tenure was turbulent, Grijalva credited him with stabilizing the hospital and laying the groundwork for its eventual transformation.

Any personality clashes stemmed from Carmona's effort to move the hospital in a different direction and "was part of making the omelet," Grijalva said. "In the heat of the battle, I didn't always agree with him, but I'll give him his due. He was very persuasive and talked about the fact that if we are going to turn this hospital around, we're going to have to take some risks. … I'm glad we took some of those risks."

Carmona also has taken risks during his long association with the Pima County Sheriff's Department. Dupnik, the Pima County sheriff, praised Carmona as "a tremendously courageous individual" who saved lives when he returned fire and killed a violent, mentally disturbed man in a Sept.18, 1999, off-duty gunbattle in Tucson. The celebrated 1992 rescue, in which Carmona dangled from a helicopter, was so dangerous that Dupnik said he would never have allowed it had he been aware of what Carmona was planning to do.

"We have a joke around the department: When we see on TV some disaster or emergency happening on a national level, we always look to see if Carmona is there," Dupnik said. "He just has a knack for being in the right place at the right time."

Copyright 2012 The Arizona Republic|azcentral.com. All rights reserved.For more information about reprints & permissions, visit our FAQ's. To report corrections and clarifications, contact Standards Editor Brent Jones. For publication consideration in the newspaper, send comments to letters@usatoday.com. Include name, phone number, city and state for verification. To view our corrections, go to corrections.usatoday.com.

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Immigration Policy at Issue in Primary for Sheriff in Travis County, Texas

Sheriff Greg Hamilton, first elected in 2004, is coming under increasing fire from his Democratic primary challenger, John Sisson, a retired Austin Police Department lieutenant, for his use of Secure Communities. The program, administered by Immigration and Customs Enforcement and in place statewide, compares the fingerprints of arrested individuals to a federal database to determine whether those individuals are eligible for deportation. If a person is found to be in violation, ICE requests that a detainer be placed on the individual for 48 hours, excluding weekends and holidays.

The federal government says the program is needed to ferret out violent immigrants or repeat immigration violators for deportation. But critics say that the system focuses on lower-level offenders rather than the more violent criminals. Mr. Sisson said Sheriff Hamilton grants detainers on every immigrant who is booked.

“I was appalled to see what it was doing to the Hispanic community and the immigrant community here,” Mr. Sisson said. “I felt like it was very inhumane to be lazy and not do the research and say, ‘We’ll just hold everybody for deportation and not even mess with the particulars.’ ”

Sheriff Hamilton said that he is merely following the law.

“The only one that can deport and put an immigration detainer on an individual is an ICE agent, not us,” he said. “At the Travis County Jail, we follow the law, and the law says that when an ICE detainer is put on, the law enforcement agency shall maintain that individual for 48 hours.”

From June 2009 to September 2011, Travis County submitted 80,731 fingerprint sets and removed 2,269 immigrants, including those who left voluntarily.

More than 900 were Level 3 offenders, convicted of misdemeanors that include traffic violations and drunken driving. There were 420 Level 1 offenders and 437 Level 2. Level 1 are aggravated felonies, including murder, rape, sexual abuse of a minor and drug trafficking. Level 2 offenders are convicted of any lesser felony or three misdemeanors.

Travis County’s number of removals surpasses that of Bexar County, where about 105,600 submissions were processed, resulting in the removal of 1,479 immigrants. Bexar County, which includes San Antonio, has a population of about 1,715,000, compared with Travis County’s population of 1,024,000.

But Sheriff Hamilton said deputies release immigrants if ICE agents do not take them and they are otherwise releasable on bond.

“Secure Communities identifies the individuals that are in our community that have run afoul of law enforcement,” he said. “And I think it’s very important that somebody knows who is in the community.”

But Sheriff Hamilton also cited his sensitivity toward the immigrant community, legal or otherwise, most of whom he said are in search of a better life. His wife is a naturalized citizen from Honduras, he said, and his department delivers aid to Austin’s Casa Marianella immigrant shelter.

“I have never asked a question, are they here legally or illegally,” he said. “I just want to help out.”

The winner of the May 29 Democratic primary will face Raymond Frank, a former sheriff and admitted underdog Republican candidate who identifies himself as an independent in the mold of Representative Ron Paul, Republican of Lake Jackson.

Mr. Frank has vowed to do away with the program if he is elected because it separates families. “A lot of Republicans are pretty outspoken about immigration,” he said. “And I don’t share their views at all.”

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Arizona Immigration Bill Heads for Supreme Court

Russell Pearce, a Republican who is the former president of the Arizona Senate, ventured into hostile terrain in a hearing called by Senator Charles E. Schumer, Democrat of New York, who is chairman of the Senate Judiciary subcommittee on immigration. Gov. Jan Brewer of Arizona, also a Republican, turned down Mr. Schumer’s invitation to advocate for the law at the hearing.

Mr. Pearce and Ms. Brewer are in Washington to attend a Supreme Court hearing on Wednesday in which the justices will consider whether four provisions of the law that have been challenged by the Obama administration are unconstitutional because they encroach on legal terrain reserved for the federal government.

Mr. Pearce, known for his blunt language, said the law, SB 1070, would protect the state’s citizens from “the invasion of illegal aliens we face today,” which he called “one of the greatest threats to our nation.” He said Arizona had acted because “the federal government has decided not to enforce the law,” and he accused the administration of “encouraging further lawbreaking” with its lawsuit.

The Senate hearing served primarily to highlight the political jockeying surrounding the Supreme Court’s deliberations, as Democrats and Republicans try to gauge the possible impact of a ruling by the justices on Latinos, a pivotal group of voters in the presidential contest.

As it appears increasingly possible that the court will uphold at least some of the disputed provisions, Mr. Schumer called the hearing as a showcase for the Democrats’ opposition to the law, which has been intensely unpopular among Latinos nationwide. He announced that if the Supreme Court upheld part or all of Arizona’s statute in its ruling, which is expected in June, he would introduce a bill to expressly prevent states from enacting their own immigration enforcement laws.

Senate staff members said that proposal would have little chance of passage, but it could serve as a rallying point for Democrats to appeal to Latino voters during the summer as the presidential race is fully under way.

None of the Republicans on the subcommittee attended the hearing.

“It is no more than election-year theater,” said Senator John Cornyn of Texas, the senior Republican on the subcommittee. He said that none of the witnesses was an expert on the arcane legal issues that the Supreme Court is considering about the law.

The Arizona law requires state law enforcement officials to determine the immigration status of people they stop or arrest if officials have reason to believe they might be illegal immigrants. The law also makes it a crime under state law for immigrants to fail to register under a federal law and for illegal immigrants to work or to try to find work. It also allows the police to make arrests without warrants if they have probable cause to believe that suspects are deportable under federal law.

Lower courts have blocked the provisions. The administration has argued to the Supreme Court that the law conflicts with federal policies and priorities. Arizona counters that the law complements federal efforts to control immigration and is a routine example of state enforcement of federal laws.

Mr. Pearce, a fierce opponent of illegal immigration, wrote the statute, which passed in 2010. Caught in the uproar the law provoked among some voters, especially Latinos, he lost his Senate seat in a recall election last November.

Persistent questioning from Mr. Schumer put Mr. Pearce on the defensive at times, as the senator bore down on sections of the bill he said could lead the Arizona police to engage in racial profiling. The senator pointed to a training manual showing that the police were instructed to consider how a person was dressed and whether his vehicle was “heavily loaded” in developing a “reasonable suspicion” that he was an illegal immigrant.

The bitterness that the bill has provoked was on display. Dennis DeConcini, who was a Democratic United States senator from Arizona from 1977 to 1995, issued an apology to Latinos for the “harm” of the law. “I am embarrassed for my state,” he said.

Around the country, immigrant advocate organizations were gearing up for protests and vigils. Immigrant groups in Los Angeles held a small rally on Tuesday in front of a federal court building downtown.

In a letter released Tuesday afternoon, religious leaders from a number of faiths called on President Obama to “reassert your authority” to stop states from enacting a patchwork of immigration laws, by working with Congress to pass a broad federal overhaul of the immigration system. Among those signing were Cardinal Timothy M. Dolan of New York, president of the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops; Leith Anderson, president of the National Association of Evangelicals; and the Rev. Samuel Rodriguez, president of the National Hispanic Christian Leadership Conference.

Adam Liptak contributed reporting.

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Lawmakers make another run at immigration bill (AP)

WASHINGTON – Senate Democrats renewed an uphill push Tuesday for legislation that would give young illegal immigrants a shot at legal status by arguing that the hundreds of thousands affected would improve the nation's economy and security.

The legislation known as the DREAM Act would allow students who came to the United States as children to gain permanent residency if they go to college or serve in the military, plus meet other conditions such as passing a criminal background check. The bill's sponsors are unlikely to gain the votes necessary to pass it, but the hearing gave lawmakers a chance to show Hispanics and other immigrant communities their support for the legislation before next year's elections.

Several dozen students in their cap and gowns attended the hearing, despite their status as illegal immigrants. Sen. Dick Durbin, D-Ill., introduced several who had demonstrated excellence in many facets of life but were unable to gain employment in their chosen field.

"They want to serve the country they love," Durbin said. "All they want is a chance."

Sen. John Cornyn, R-Texas, said that lawmakers from both parties have compassion for the students that would be helped by the legislation, but he said it was important to get the details right, and he pointed to changes that he believes are necessary for the bill before it can gain more Republican support. For example, he noted that students could eventually gain citizenship even if they committed serious misdemeanors, such as driving while intoxicated or certain drug offenses. The biggest stumbling block, he said, was the federal government's failure to do what it has promised to do in securing the borders and enforcing illegal hiring practices in the workplace.

Sen. Dianne Feinstein, D-Calif., countered that the nation's borders are the most secure they've been over the past decade and that there are no longer thousands of illegal immigrants coming across the Mexican border on a daily basis.

"To use border security as a reason not to give these young people a chance makes no sense to me," Feinstein said.

Education Secretary Arne Duncan told the Senate subcommittee hearing that the students helped would help fill millions of science and engineering jobs that are critical to sustaining the economy.

"They can be the fuel to our economic engine," Duncan said.

Janet Napolitano, secretary of the Department of Homeland Security, argued that the students who would be helped through the legislation pose no threat to public safety or the nation's security. Indeed, granting them legal status would help the department devote more of its resources to removing those who are a threat.

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Quote Roundup: Democrats on Immigration Reform (ContributorNetwork)

With the 2012 campaign season slowly getting into gear, Democrats must work hard to energize their voting blocks. Among faithful -- albeit somewhat disillusioned -- voters are Hispanics. Thus far, the Obama administration has been vague on immigration reform.

Even though he promised an immigration bill during his first year in office, President Barack Obama failed to deliver. Add to this the failure of the DREAM Act, and it is clear Democrats must offer the electorate something more than words. So where do Democrats stand on immigration reform at this time?

"We are deporting those who are here illegally. And that's a tough issue. It's a source of controversy. But I want to emphasize we're not doing it haphazardly. We're focusing our limited resources and people on violent offenders and people convicted of crimes -- not just families, not just folks who are just looking to scrape together an income." -- President Obama highlighted the merits of the embattled Secure Communities program on May 11.

"They'll want a higher fence. Maybe they'll need a moat. Maybe they want alligators in the moat. They'll never be satisfied. And I understand that. That's politics." -- President Obama describes the Republican opposition on May 10.

"And too many immigrants -- including immigrants who were brought to the United States as infants or young children and who have grown up indentifying as Americans -- are living in the shadows, vulnerable not only to the threat of deportation but also to exploitative working conditions. To guarantee that our country is able to benefit from the talents of all those living within our borders, we must enact comprehensive immigration reform." -- DNC Chair Debbie Wasserman Schultz on May 10, in a reaction to President Obama's remarks on immigration reform

"At more than 52 million strong, including 4 million in Puerto Rico, Hispanics constitute the country's largest and fastest growing minority group. They have had a profound and positive impact on our country through, among other things, their community's strong commitment to family, faith, hard work, and service. Many Hispanics contribute to this Nation bilingually in the English and Spanish languages -- a true asset for our country in an increasingly global, interdependent world." -- From the Oct. 19, 2010, Executive Order that continued George H.W. Bush's White House Initiative on Educational Excellence for Hispanics

"It's difficult to tell a constituency while unemployment is rising, they're losing their jobs and their homes, that what we should do is in fact legalize (illegal immigrants) and stop all deportation." -- Vice President Joe Biden on March 30, 2009.

Sylvia Cochran offers an insider's perspective of the American immigration system. Having gone through the steps of becoming a citizen -- and currently living in a border state -- she brings hands-on familiarity with hot-button issues to the table.

View the original article here

Quote Roundup: Democrats on Immigration Reform (ContributorNetwork)

With the 2012 campaign season slowly getting into gear, Democrats must work hard to energize their voting blocks. Among faithful -- albeit somewhat disillusioned -- voters are Hispanics. Thus far, the Obama administration has been vague on immigration reform.

Even though he promised an immigration bill during his first year in office, President Barack Obama failed to deliver. Add to this the failure of the DREAM Act, and it is clear Democrats must offer the electorate something more than words. So where do Democrats stand on immigration reform at this time?

"We are deporting those who are here illegally. And that's a tough issue. It's a source of controversy. But I want to emphasize we're not doing it haphazardly. We're focusing our limited resources and people on violent offenders and people convicted of crimes -- not just families, not just folks who are just looking to scrape together an income." -- President Obama highlighted the merits of the embattled Secure Communities program on May 11.

"They'll want a higher fence. Maybe they'll need a moat. Maybe they want alligators in the moat. They'll never be satisfied. And I understand that. That's politics." -- President Obama describes the Republican opposition on May 10.

"And too many immigrants -- including immigrants who were brought to the United States as infants or young children and who have grown up indentifying as Americans -- are living in the shadows, vulnerable not only to the threat of deportation but also to exploitative working conditions. To guarantee that our country is able to benefit from the talents of all those living within our borders, we must enact comprehensive immigration reform." -- DNC Chair Debbie Wasserman Schultz on May 10, in a reaction to President Obama's remarks on immigration reform

"At more than 52 million strong, including 4 million in Puerto Rico, Hispanics constitute the country's largest and fastest growing minority group. They have had a profound and positive impact on our country through, among other things, their community's strong commitment to family, faith, hard work, and service. Many Hispanics contribute to this Nation bilingually in the English and Spanish languages -- a true asset for our country in an increasingly global, interdependent world." -- From the Oct. 19, 2010, Executive Order that continued George H.W. Bush's White House Initiative on Educational Excellence for Hispanics

"It's difficult to tell a constituency while unemployment is rising, they're losing their jobs and their homes, that what we should do is in fact legalize (illegal immigrants) and stop all deportation." -- Vice President Joe Biden on March 30, 2009.

Sylvia Cochran offers an insider's perspective of the American immigration system. Having gone through the steps of becoming a citizen -- and currently living in a border state -- she brings hands-on familiarity with hot-button issues to the table.

View the original article here