Obama to honor Lyndon Johnson and the Civil Rights Act

President Johnson signs the Civil Rights Act in the East Room of the White House on July 2, 1964. (Associated Press)

AUSTIN, Texas — President Obama has tried to model Abraham Lincoln's team of rivals and Teddy Roosevelt's power of the bully pulpit. He's lauded Ronald Reagan's communication skills and linked himself to the Kennedy clan. He's praised his onetime nemesis, George W. Bush, as well as his onetime adversary, Bill Clinton.

But Obama has rarely cozied up to the predecessor some argue did more than any other modern president to pave the way for his election as the nation's first black president: Lyndon B. Johnson.

Five years into his presidency, Obama will head to Austin on Thursday to remedy what some Johnson admirers have described as a "pattern of omission." At a ceremony at the Lyndon Baines Johnson Library and Museum, Obama will honor Johnson and the Civil Rights Act, signed 50 years ago this year.

But it is other elements of Johnson's legacy that have confounded and irked the Obama White House. As a president who tried to end two wars, Obama was not inclined to align himself with a president who escalated the Vietnam War.

More recently, any mention of Johnson and Obama in the same sentence is typically a comparison of their legislative prowess — and Obama comes up short. In the age of partisan gridlock, the master of the Senate, as Johnson became known during his time as majority leader, has become for many Democrats an example of how a president once used government to do big things. By comparison, the current president has become a symbol of how little government can get done.

But the story of Obama's and Johnson's legislative records is more complex — and with a more similar arc than sometimes described. Both passed sweeping legislation in short order, taking advantage of early political momentum, mindful, in Johnson's words, that a newly elected president is "a giraffe; six months later, he's a worm."

Both also faced great frustrations and backlash in later years. And like Johnson, Obama hopes history will prove his earliest major legislative achievement, the Affordable Care Act, to be his most widely embraced.

For now, the White House is quick to note the many differences between the two presidents and their times.

Most obviously, Johnson benefited from large Democratic majorities in both chambers of Congress when he pushed the Civil Rights Act, even as the country mourned John F. Kennedy. Those majorities jumped — to a whooping 295-140 in the House — after the 1964 election. When Obama passed his healthcare overhaul in 2010, Democrats had 253 seats.

But Johnson also embraced the sort of parliamentary maneuvers and horse trading that today would have good government advocates screaming about legislative payoffs and backdoor politics. And thinking Obama could wine and dine his way to moving his legislative agenda is to misunderstand the current political climate, White House aides argue. Political polarization has diminished common ground between the parties and left few moderates to woo.

Even Obama seems to chalk up Johnson's success to political momentum, noting that his election in 1964 was followed in 1966 by Democratic losses in the congressional elections, although the party retained control of Congress. Obama has faced a Republican majority in the House since 2011.

"When he lost that historic majority, and the glow of that landslide victory faded, he had the same problems with Congress that most presidents at one point or another have," Obama said in a recent interview with the New Yorker.

For those close to the Johnson legacy, attributing his legislative accomplishments to mere political good fortune ignores Johnson's political gift.

"Schmoozing is not just sitting and having a drink — though LBJ did plenty of that," said Joseph Califano Jr., a former Johnson aide. "It's knowing exactly what buttons turn congressmen on and off. I think, bluntly put, Johnson knew the price of every member of Congress — whether it was a dam or a schoolhouse or invitation to dinner."

Califano noted, "Obama has other skills, but that was a big one for Johnson."

Mark K. Updegrove, a historian and director of the Johnson library, noted that Johnson was willing to alienate his old friend and mentor Sen. Richard Russell, a fierce opponent of the civil rights legislation. Russell, a Georgia Democrat, warned that he'd risk losing the presidency and also the defection of Southern states to the GOP.

"LBJ said that, if that was the price for the bill, he'd gladly pay it," said Updegrove, author of three books on the presidency, including one on Johnson. "He said, 'What the hell is the presidency for?'"

That's a question Obama faces regularly in his fifth year, as he uses his executive authority to move his priorities, including environmental regulation, increasing minimum wage and, this week, closing the gender pay gap.

H.W. Brands, a presidential historian at the University of Texas in Austin, said Obama could not count on the same kind of powerful social movement and growing consensus that benefited Johnson in passing civil and voting rights bills. "The issues are less clear-cut today and the parties are more clearly at odds," he said.

Even Johnson saw the limits of his powers of persuasion. After the 1966 midterm election, Johnson came to feel a backlash from lawmakers he had won over, particularly when it came to paying for the Great Society programs.

But Johnson's agenda was cemented into American life. Medicare, passed in 1965, was quickly accepted by the opposition, implemented successfully by the administration and, over time, embraced by both parties — along with the Civil Rights Act.

Despite that, Johnson's legacy has often been overshadowed by the Vietnam War. Thursday's event, and Obama's remarks, were anticipated by those who have sought recognition for LBJ's domestic achievements.

"Every family wants to have their loved ones get the credit they believe they deserve. But I grew up in politics. I know that doesn't happen when you want it to, as you want it to; that's part of life," said Luci Baines Johnson, the president's daughter. "Whatever has happened in the past and people have not focused on Lyndon Johnson, I'm just so glad they are now."

christi.parsons@latimes.com

kathleen.hennessey@latimes.com

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Two Challenge Eddie Bernice Johnson in Dallas Democratic Primary

But Taj Clayton, a DeSoto lawyer, and State Representative Barbara Mallory Caraway of Dallas are giving it a try, arguing that it is time for Ms. Johnson to pass the baton in southern Dallas County’s District 30.

The challengers have gotten help. The Campaign for Primary Accountability, a bipartisan “super PAC,” is targeting longtime incumbents — including Ms. Johnson — in Congressional races across the nation.

Still, Ms. Johnson has her own big-time booster: President Obama, who generally stays out of such battles, has endorsed her. While she acknowledged that she has not had much primary opposition in her Congressional career, she said she has had general election opponents and does not feel threatened.

“I’ve never had a need for telling people what I’ve done,” she said. “They see I’m responsive to the people. It’s pretty visible.”

Mr. Clayton, a Harvard-educated lawyer with an ad campaign so polished it has made its own headlines, has his own connections to the president. His chief campaign consultant was Mr. Obama’s 2008 national field director. And Mr. Clayton has a compelling story: he is the grandson of Virginia sharecroppers and the son of Waxahachie factory workers. He worked his way through Harvard cleaning dormitory bathrooms and sweeping staircases.

Mr. Clayton, who served on Mr. Obama’s Texas finance committee in 2008, said he knows how allegiances work in Congress, and he is not deterred by the president’s support of Ms. Johnson.

“There have been some naysayers, those who said, ‘You aren’t going to be able to raise any money, she has everything sewn up, she’s been there forever,’ ” Mr. Clayton said. “My position was always, I feel called to do this. You’ve got to put the people first, want to see people in our district do better.”

Ms. Caraway has been unable to raise campaign money the way that Ms. Johnson and Mr. Clayton have. As of the April 15 primary filing deadline, she had $1,560 cash on hand, compared with Ms. Johnson’s $362,000 and Mr. Clayton’s $158,000. But she is an aggressive block walker and a well-known commodity in the district.

She was a Democratic precinct chairwoman before serving on the Dallas City Council for eight years, and she has been in the Legislature since 2007. Her husband, Dwaine Caraway, serves on the Dallas City Council and briefly served as the mayor — though their relationship made headlines last year after he called the police in the midst of a domestic disturbance in which Ms. Caraway reportedly wielded a knife. Many thought it might keep her from challenging Ms. Johnson; it did not.

“Even if I had a million dollars, my strategy would not change: I’m getting out every day and knocking on doors, meeting as many people as I can,” Ms. Caraway said. “If you check my prior history with elected office, I’ve always had a ground offensive, a grass-roots campaign. I’ve never been an establishment candidate.”

In Congressional District 30, the Democratic primary battle is the big one. Whoever wins will face a Republican and a Libertarian in the general election, but the district votes overwhelmingly Democratic.

Dallas political observers think Ms. Johnson is the obvious favorite. Renee Hartley, a Democratic political consultant, said that although Mr. Clayton is wildly charismatic and a great candidate, “I just don’t know that he’s going to be able to get his message as far and as wide and cut into what probably will be for her an overwhelming lead.” No amount of determination or shoe leather will do it for Ms. Caraway either, Ms. Hartley said.

Calvin C. Jillson, a political science professor at Southern Methodist University, predicts that Ms. Johnson will win north of 70 percent of the primary vote, but he added that Mr. Clayton — who “has raised a surprising amount of money” — and Ms. Caraway probably expect that and are priming themselves for future campaigns.

“Eddie Bernice Johnson is what, 76 at this point?” Dr. Jillson said. “So people are thinking ahead rather than thinking they can beat her directly.”

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Running for Congress Against Octogenarians Like Johnson and Hall

Bob Deuell, a conservative family-practice doctor from Greenville, had his heart set on serving in Congress. When his congressman, Ralph Hall, got wind of it, he invited Dr. Deuell to shadow him in Washington for a few days in 1998. He gave a potential opponent or successor an opportunity to see what an average week would be like should he win the seat.

“He wore me out,” Dr. Deuell said. Dr. Deuell gave up on his Congressional aspirations, running instead for the Texas Senate and winning a spot there in 2002.

Mr. Hall, a Rockwall Republican who will celebrate his 89th birthday between now and the May 29 primary, is still in Congress. He’s been there since 1981.

Comparatively speaking, United States Representative Sam Johnson, Republican of Plano, is just a pup. He’s 81, a Vietnam War veteran and a former prisoner of war in what became known as the Hanoi Hilton. When he was in the Texas House, lobbyists joked that you might persuade him to vote for a bill but that he was immune to political threats. Mr. Johnson, elected to Congress in 1990, has competition in this year’s primary, as does Mr. Hall. And like the people running against Mr. Hall, his opponents are running positive campaigns that do not attack the incumbent.

They are walking a fine line. They want to be in place, should the positions open up, without looking like political vultures.

“I don’t know their motivation,” Dr. Deuell said of the candidates who have opposed Mr. Hall over the last decade. “What I’ve seen is people say they’re only going to run if Ralph’s not running. Then it’s ‘I’m only going to run to get my name out there.’ Then they get running and start believing their own bull, and the next thing you know, they’re calling Ralph a liberal.”

Dr. Deuell said most of those candidates not only lost their races but also spoiled their chances of succeeding the incumbent. “They made people mad,” he said.

Lou Gigliotti and Steve Clark are back this year. They were among the five challengers to Mr. Hall in the Republican primary two years ago. He whipped them, getting 57.4 percent of the vote to Mr. Clark’s 29.7 percent and Mr. Gigliotti’s 1.5 percent.

Everyone seems to be tiptoeing (it’s early), but the age issue is right at the surface.

Mr. Gigliotti, a Wylie resident who owns an auto parts company and races cars, went right to the age thing in an e-mail exchange about the contest earlier this year. “As you know, Ralph Hall is 89 years old and will turn 91 in office if he is re-elected,” he wrote. “I have been in Texas for almost 30 years running a successful business and running a national championship race team. The Choice is Clear. Vote for the ‘Past’ or vote for the ‘Future.’ ”

Mr. Johnson has two opponents this year. In his last five races, he has run unopposed in the primary only once. In the others, he never got less than 84 percent of the vote, whether he had one opponent or two. Mr. Hall, who switched to the Republican Party after the 2002 election (he was unopposed as a Democrat), has won handily, too. He’s at it again, defying anyone who might wonder if he’s too old for the job.

It’s a biennial parlor game in North Texas politics. Will they run again? What’s the best strategy if you want the seat but don’t want to poach, don’t want to offend a popular incumbent?

So far, nobody has figured it out. The winner of the Republican primary in Mr. Johnson’s Third Congressional District will face a Libertarian, Chris Claytor, in November. In Mr. Hall’s Fourth Congressional District next door, the winner will face VaLinda Hathcox, a Democrat, and Thomas Griffing, a Libertarian, in the general election.

Both districts were drawn to favor Republicans in November. And if past elections are any guide, the two incumbents have the advantage in the primaries. Some younger voters have never seen a ballot without one of those names on it. Older voters have been pulling the lever for these guys for years.

They don’t seem to mind the gray hair.

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