Obama returns to campaign mode

NEW YORK — NEW YORK President Barack Obama is opening a six-week burst of fundraising for Democrats, offering an early look at how he'll frame the messy health overhaul rollout and recent government shutdown for donors and voters ahead of next year's pivotal midterm elections.

After putting political events on hold for about a month, Obama was returning to campaign mode Friday in New York, first at a top-dollar fundraiser for House Democrats, flanked by film producer Harvey Weinstein and prominent CEOs before another, closed-door event benefiting the national Democratic Party.

Before the fundraisers, Obama visited a Brooklyn high school to showcase a rare partnership among public schools, a public university system and IBM that lets students finish high school with an associate's degree in computers or engineering. With budget talks set to resume next week, he urged Congress to put more money into education.

"I don't want to hear the same old stuff about how America can't afford to invest in the things that have always made us strong," Obama said. "Don't tell me we can afford to shut down the government, which costs our economy billions of dollars, but we can't afford to invest in our education systems. There's nothing more important than this."

Accompanied by Bill de Blasio, the Democratic mayoral candidate who is leading in the polls going into the Nov.5 general election, Obama made a campaign-style appearance at Junior's, a Brooklyn landmark known for its cheesecakes. He shook hands, gave out hugs, posed for photos and bought two cakes to go.

His fundraising schedule condensed, Obama will headline at least nine fundraisers from Florida to Texas to California before the end of November for Democratic campaign committees. Michelle Obama and Vice President Joe Biden are holding their own events.

Traditionally the president is a party's most potent fundraising tool, and the effort isn't without potential reward for Obama. A return of Congress to full Democratic control next year would open the door to sweeping policies Obama would love to enact, but Republicans refuse to consider. After winning re-election last year, Obama vowed to go all-in for Democrats by holding at least 20 fundraisers ahead of the midterm elections.

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Landrum Taylor ousted as head of Senate Dem caucus

Arizona has a new top Democrat.

The Senate Democratic caucus overthrew its leadership team in a surprise move Tuesday, tossing the minority party into turmoil.

Sen. Leah Landrum Taylor of Phoenix, the state's highest-ranking Democrat, was ousted as Senate minority leader. She will be replaced by Sen. Anna Tovar of Tolleson.

Landrum Taylor, who is running for secretary of state next year, appeared stunned by developments and said she was furious with the decision.

"They said I could not possibly run for state office and serve as the leader in the Legislature," she said, adding that prior male leaders have done just that numerous times. "It's disgusting and degrading."

Landrum Taylor also alluded to possible racial motivations, saying some had alleged that she represents too small a percentage of Arizona voters. Landrum Taylor is the state's only African-American state lawmaker. Tovar is a Latina.

The Arizona Legislature's 13 Democratic senators had scheduled a caucus meeting to replace Assistant Minority Leader Linda Lopez of Tucson. Lopez had previously announced she was voluntarily stepping down from leadership to deal with new job responsibilities.

Tovar, the minority whip, was expected to move up into that spot but declined the nomination.

Sen. Steve Gallardo of Phoenix then nominated Tovar to be minority leader, replacing Landrum Taylor.

Tovar won the position by an 8-5 vote. Landrum Taylor and four of her supporters walked out of the meeting.

Sen. Lynne Pancrazi, D-Yuma, was then voted in as assistant minority leader, and Gallardo became the new minority whip.

Landrum Taylor said she may push for a revote, noting that members of the community are calling for the same.

"The community is outraged," she said.

When asked for a reason behind the move, Pancrazi said, "(The) caucus just decided to move in a new direction.

"We have a lot to do this session. Tovar is full of energy. She's very dynamic."

Tovar said she was saddened by allegations that the change was based on Landrum Taylor's race or gender.

"Many of our caucus is minority, and many of them are women," she said. "That is not a relative issue to why this transpired."

She said there were a "multitude of things that transpired" leading up to the vote.

"Each caucus member has their own perspective on why they came to this decision," she said. "As a whole, we chose to move forward in a positive direction."

Tovar said she looks forward to working with the entire caucus, including Landrum Taylor, next session. She said they will continue to focus on education, job creation and health care.

Gallardo said the move wasn't personal and was intended to take Democrats in a different direction for the 2014 election. "Personally, I'd like to see us be a bit more aggressive on many of these key issues," said Gallardo, who is among the most outspoken legislative Democrats.

He said the best way for the minority party to win on an issue is often by swaying public opinion. "It's about messaging," Gallardo added.

Sen. Olivia Cajero Bedford, D-Tucson, was among the lawmakers who walked out with Landrum Taylor.

"They talked about what a strong caucus we were last year and then said Leah could not run for state leadership and still be the legislative leader," she said. "The logic is a detriment to the Democratic Party. It was ridiculous."

She said she has lost respect for the members of her caucus behind the coup. "We'll see if they can produce any better than Leah did last year," Cajero Bedford said, alluding to successful efforts to unite with more moderate Republicans and pass Medicaid expansion.

Cajero Bedford said she fears the Senate Democrats next session may find themselves in a predicament similar to the Republicans this past session, with a massive split in the caucus that crippled their voting power.

"We've been gloating about what has been going on with the Republicans, and now look," she said. "It's a shame."

Pancrazi dismissed those concerns.

"Caucus decisions will be made as a whole, and I look forward to a wonderful caucus," she said. "Our goal is to get through this session and get good, strong people elected."

Tovar said there will likely be hurt feelings for a while, but she hopes the caucus can put the division behind them and focus on the state and their constituents.

The infighting quickly became campaign fodder for Republicans. Arizona Republican Party Chairman Robert Graham glommed onto the allegations of racism and sexism.

"Again we see the elites in the Democrat Party using gender and race criteria to drive people away from participation in their party's decisions," he said in a statement.

Conservative political consultant Constantin Querard wondered what the development means for Landrum Taylor's chances in the race for secretary of state.

"Fair to say that today's events show that Leah Landrum Taylor's run for #AZSOS will not enjoy a united Democrat base supporting her?" he said on Twitter.

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'Coming to terms' with cancer

Manuel "Manny" Cruz says he's unsure how long his "shelf life" is, but he knows his biggest fear as he faces inoperable lung cancer.

How to help

Friends of the Cruzes will hold an event and fundraiser from 5 to 7p.m. today at Culinary Dropout at The Yard, 5632 N. Seventh St., Phoenix. Donations are being accepted, with checks payable to the Manny Cruz Fund. Donations also can be mailed to 7604 W. Claremont St., Glendale, AZ, 85303-4212, or deposited at any US Bank location, account number 151705573393.

It's leaving behind Jessica, his 6-year-old daughter, who has Down syndrome.

Cruz, a Democrat who narrowly lost the Glendale mayor's race to Jerry Weiers last year, had launched his second campaign for state mine inspector when he was diagnosed in September with cancer in his lungs, spine and shoulder. He later learned that it had spread to his brain.

"It's surreal," said Cruz, a 47-year-old Arizona native. "But, you know, I'm coming to terms with it."

In the weeks since the diagnoses, campaign talk has been pushed aside. Cruz has compiled a "cancer book," which includes his appointments, lists of medications and definitions of words he had not heard before Sept.6.

During an interview at the kitchen table of his central Glendale home, Cruz contemplated what, by any measure, is a short future -- he says his doctors say from six months to two years, depending on how he responds to treatment -- with grace, humor and gratitude.

His tall frame now lanky from shedding 50 pounds in two months, he spoke softly and slowly about his professional career in mining and his political life, and lit up as he talked about his family and showed photos of Jessica, his "little silly."

Cruz is battling the cancer, recently completing 10 radiation treatments to shrink the brain lesions and undergoing daylong chemotherapy sessions every three weeks in hopes of prolonging his time with wife Valerie Revering, daughter Jessica and their four older children.

"Hey, you know, I'm not done yet. We've got things to do," Cruz said. "There's a wedding to plan. There are kids to take to the different events at their schools."

Stepson Chris will be married in April, and Molly, 15, -- "my little brainiac" -- is in her school's production of "The Tempest."Daughter Kim, 26, is attending Arizona State University after a four-year stint in the Navy. She has been a key source of support for her father, helping with Jessica, household chores and driving on the days when nausea and exhaustion take over.

"I've been truly blessed, with great family, great friends and a good life," he said. "And a great career that I absolutely loved, and to still be able to help people, help communities and give back."

Cruz is a fourth-generation Arizonan who worked in the mining industry. He's been active in the Democratic Party for years, but he only recently entered politics, with an unsuccessful 2010 run for mine inspector against Republican Joe Hart.

His grandfather worked the Ray Copper Mine, now owned by ASARCO, and died in his 30s of black-lung disease. Cruz's father told boyhood stories of handing out water to miners as they trudged out of the pit, before the towns of Ray and Sonora were wiped off the map by the original mining company.

Cruz's parents campaigned for Nixon and his political activism was shaped, in part, by them. His mother, Sally, changed her registration to Democrat to vote for her son in 2010, and spent hours working on his campaigns.

Cruz was honored Saturday with the chairman's award at the Arizona Democratic Party's annual Hall of Fame induction. He will be celebrated at an event today at the Culinary Dropout in Phoenix, which also serves as a fundraiser.

Arizona Democratic Party Chairman Bill Roe said Cruz was a tireless campaigner, and his mother was every bit as enthusiastic, even when they knew the registration numbers and the funding were stacked against them.

"He worked extraordinarily hard and energized a lot of people in two different races," Roe said.

After he lost to Hart in 2012, Cruz made good on a campaign promise and launched the non-profit Abandoned Mine Safety, which raised money to educate schoolchildren about the dangers of abandoned mines, and to close down some of the thousands of dangerous shafts scattered across the state.

After a tough loss to Weiers in the mayor's race, by about 4,000 votes, Cruz went back to work and soon started thinking about the 2014 race for mine inspector. Hart had served two terms and couldn't run again, and few people had both the qualifications and the interest to do the job.

"I had a really good feeling that this might be the year that I won that election," Cruz said.

In September, after a week of coughing and shortness of breath, Cruz saw his family physician.

"It doesn't look like it's anything we're going to be able to fix," Cruz said the doctor told him.

Now, instead of a campaign run, he's planning a video that he will record for Jessica.

She doesn't understand his condition, he said. When he coughs, Jessica runs over to pat him on the back.

He worries about Jessica, and about her mother. "One of the biggest things is knowing she needs that extra help. This little one right here," he says, "was going to be with us for the rest of our lives."

But he's at peace with himself.

"I believe that I'll be leaving this world a little bit better than when I got here."

Copyright 2013 The Arizona Republic|azcentral.com. All rights reserved.For more information about reprints & permissions, visit our FAQ's. To report corrections and clarifications, contact Standards Editor Brent Jones. For publication consideration in the newspaper, send comments to letters@usatoday.com. Include name, phone number, city and state for verification. To view our corrections, go to corrections.usatoday.com.

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Try not to ask hopeful about female Dem 'rising stars'

(PNI) Get out that binder full of women …If a woman hasn't decided to run against Mario Diaz next year, she should grab the brass ring the community-college district board candidate tossed out this month.

Diaz, a Democrat and a candidate for a seat on the Maricopa County Community College District governing board, was part of recent panel discussion. Asked to name "rising stars" in the Democratic Party, he rattled off men's names, but came up blank on the women.

That is, until Senate Minority Leader Katie Hobbs, D-Phoenix and state Senate star, mentioned the slight on her Facebook page. The reaction was fast and furious. Comments ranged from "unbelievable" to "what an idiot" to a dissection of his campaign supporters -- of which women accounted for only 21percent, according to one post. Oh, and he has GOP supporters, too. So much for bipartisanship.

Diaz called Hobbs to apologize and then posted his apology, saying he "froze" when asked the question.

"My comment was to say that our community needed more women in political power, not that there are not women who serve in such posts," he wrote. "I have no excuses, I apologize."

What's wrong with this math? … Thirty-eight Republican members of the Legislature voted against Medicaid expansion. But 36 signed on to the lawsuit challenging that decision.

The missing plaintiffs were Sens. Don Shooter, R-Yuma, and Michele Reagan, R-Scottsdale. Shooter has said he doesn't like to sue his friends. Reagan voted for Medicaid expansion before she voted against it.

Missing from the vote and the lawsuit is Sen. Rick Murphy, R-Peoria. Murphy said he feared he wouldn't have standing to sue, since he was on vacation when the vote was taken.

Standing -- or having a legal reason to sue -- may not matter, at least as far as Gov. Jan Brewer's legal team sees it. None of the lawmakers has a right to sue, the lawyers argue, since they're not paying the "provider tax" at the heart of the plaintiff's lawsuit.

We'll see what the courts have to say about that matter; the case is before a Maricopa County Superior Court judge.

An unusual raffle … As part of the Christmas raffle this year, the Republicans in Legislative District 26, which covers parts of Tempe and Mesa, gave away an AR-15 rifle.

They said the point was to raise awareness about gun rights.

LD 26 Democrats issued a news release decrying a gun raffle held within days of the anniversary of the Sandy Hook Elementary School massacre.

Committee Chairman Randy Keating, in a news release, called it "irresponsible" and "grossly insensitive."

"Arizona deserves much better from the LD 26 Republican leadership, and that is why we have decided to help collect donations for one of Arizona's leading gun-safety groups, Arizonans for Gun Safety," Keating said.

Pick your evil: insensitive timing or using the deaths of 20 children to make a political point.

A call to arms … Gov. Jan Brewer last week posted an "I Stand With Jan to Defend Christmas" postcard on her Facebook page. Within 24hours, it had garnered nearly 75,000 likes.

But based on the comments, both supporters and dissenters seemed to have missed the spirit of the season -- whatever season they choose to celebrate this time of year -- entirely.

Here's a little sample:

"Merry Christmas. I'm Hispanic and I'm tired of how all of these corrupt racist liberals like (President Barack) Obama and his supporters are trying to turn this great country into a 3rd world one."

"What exactly is Christmas being attacked by? This is idiotic. I can't believe you're in charge of an entire state."

"From what, pray tell?! What scaremongering phonies you are!"

"Merry Christmas Jan. Believe me I say it to everyone whether they like it or not."

Tweet of the week

"Just landed in Chicago. Saying it's cold would be like saying CPS (Child Protective Services) has 'a few issues.'"

--House Minority Leader Chad Campbell, D-Phoenix.

Compiled by Republic reporters Mary Jo Pitzl, Alia Beard Rau, Yvonne Wingett Sanchez, Michelle Ye Hee Lee and Rebekah L. Sanders. Get the latest at politics.azcentral.com.

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<nbsp/> Cooperation can help get things done

On the morning of Dec. 8, 1984, Arizona native John R. Norton III entered the West Wing of the White House and was greeted by Robert "Bob" Tuttle, President Ronald Reagan's director of personnel. Reagan had asked the Arizona agribusiness titan to serve as deputy secretary of Agriculture.

Norton III, a Republican, accepted the president's offer, and his name was placed before the Senate Committee on Agriculture, Nutrition and Forestry. The Senate, at the time, was controlled by

the Democrats, and Norton III expressed trepidation about his potential "grilling."

Significantly, Arizona's entire congressional delegation rallied around its native son. Junior Sen. Dennis DeConcini, a Democrat, hosted a reception at his McLean, Va., home, where he introduced Norton III and his wife, Doris, to Democratic senators on the committee. DeConcini's wife's family, the Hurleys, were long acquainted with the Nortons through their family enterprises and their political affiliation with Arizona's growing and increasingly influential Republican Party. Of course, senior Sen. Barry Goldwater supported Norton III's confirmation.

From the House of Representatives, Arizona's delegation -- Morris Udall, a Democrat, and Republicans John McCain, Eldon Rudd and Jim Kolbe -- prepared statements in Norton III's behalf.

Udall, in characteristic fashion, offered an amusing comment but left no doubt about his support for his fellow Arizonan: "John is an unusually well-qualified person, and he is superior to everyone I know. I do not know why anyone in his right mind would want to take on this job, but the country is lucky that he is, and you will make no mistake if you confirm his nomination."

That snapshot in my new book, "The Norton Trilogy," represents another Arizona and another time, when the public's interest and civility were part and parcel of the political process.

Though contrasting ideologies and partisanship existed in the 1980s, the political atmosphere was less toxic. Differences were noted, respected, and after 5 p.m., ideological fealty remained at work. Congressmen and senators from differing parties socialized and dined together. The bipartisanship exemplified in Norton III's successful nomination in 1985 has receded into history.

Two political giants who respected each other and their respective pioneer families, Democrat Carl Hayden and Goldwater, set the tone for the bipartisan support reflected in Norton III's confirmation hearings. Shortly before his retirement from the Senate, Goldwater spoke of Hayden.

"Let me put it this simple way," he stated flatly, "whenever my service in the Senate is terminated, I hope that my service to the country and my state equals a small fraction of what Carl Hayden has provided in both areas," adding, "Carl Hayden outgrew party personality early in his political career."

Though bipartisanship is one of several themes that runs through "The Norton Trilogy," the book is also a study of the roles that federal reclamation, law, politics and individual initiative played in the settlement and growth of this often unforgiving region of the country. In short, this volume is a rumination on the history of water and agribusiness in the American Southwest through the lives

of three generations of John R. Nortons.

The work details the earliest efforts at irrigated agriculture in the 19th century through the monumental Arizona vs. California Supreme Court case that helped determine where the life-giving waters of the Colorado River would be divided and into the critical events that have shaped the late 20th century and early 21st. The Nortons were at the center of these and other developments that made Arizona into a vital population and agricultural center.

Pioneers such as John R. Norton (1854-1923), who was one of three members of the legendary Breakenridge Survey of 1889 that located the site of what became Roosevelt Dam, and John R. Norton Jr. (1901-87), who, by the 1930s emerged as one of Arizona's leading agriculture producers and livestock growers, shaped the very landscape of the western United States.

And John R. Norton III built upon the accomplishments of his father and grandfather to become one of the region's major agribusiness entrepreneurs, deputy secretary of the Department of Agriculture in the Reagan administration, and one of the West's leading philanthropists in education, health care and the arts.

The Nortons, moreover, reflected the region's evolution in politics from the late 19th century to the early 21st. Norton Sr., a Kentucky native who moved West, was a southern Democrat who won election to the Maricopa County Board of Supervisors and sought to rival Hayden in turn-of-the-century Democratic Party caucuses.

Norton Jr., not as politically active as father or son, nevertheless expressed his "Pinto Democrat" leanings when he chaired the "Democrats for Wilkie" effort in the 1940 presidential election. He was well on his way to Republican registration.

And Norton III, perhaps the most active and astute of the three in political affairs, continues to champion conservative causes.

As former Sen. DeConcini stated recently, "The Norton family reaches back in the history of Arizona as far as the Udalls, Goldwaters, Babbitts and DeConcinis, and this family and its accomplishments serve as an historical metaphor for the growth and development of Arizona and the Greater Southwest for the past 150 years."

Bruce Babbitt, former Arizona governor and secretary of the Interior Department, added a more personal observation: "During my years as governor, John R. Norton III was my go-to Republican. Working together, we discovered a lot of common ground for making water policy and promoting agriculture. The remarkable history of three Norton generations should help us understand and renew bipartisan cooperation."

Beyond the Nortons serving as exemplars of a more civil and dignified political culture, former Republican Sen. Jon Kyl, who penned a robust foreword to "The Norton Trilogy," correctly asserts that "the Nortons have made Arizona and the nation a better place," and their intergenerational legacy "is as much an American story as it is an Arizona one."

In contrast to current political vitriol and divisiveness, Arizona residents can look back upon a long history of political evolution and change, vigorous and productive political debate, and, in several significant instances, bipartisan cooperation and support from its political leaders.

Reaching across the aisle to find common ground has been a part of Arizona's political history, and, in the best of all worlds, its future.

Jack August Jr. is a visiting scholar in legal history at Snell & Wilmer. His new book, "The Norton Trilogy," is the latest of several books he has written about the American West.

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'Montgomery slate' rumor far-fetched

(PNI) From the political notebook:

Politics are full of wild rumors and conspiracy theories. Some even turn out to be true.

One running rampant through Arizona political circles is that there is a dark-money slate of candidates in Republican primaries for statewide office. The slate supposedly consists of Doug Ducey for governor, Justin Pierce for secretary of state, Mark Brnovich for attorney general and Hugh Hallman for treasurer.

"Dark money" is an epithet for campaign speech whose source of funding is obscure or undisclosed.

Supposedly huge sums of money from the vast right-wing conspiracy throughout the country will flow into Arizona to ensure the election of this dark-money slate.

The supposed mastermind and maestro of this attempt to hijack the Republican primary is none other than Maricopa County Attorney Bill Montgomery. Some are calling it the Montgomery slate.

Now, Montgomery is a politician of some promise and has done a good job of calming the infighting in county government. I don't know whether this is a good or a bad thing to say about him. But, in terms of this conspiracy, Montgomery just ain't that important or influential.

Montgomery has some standing in county politics. He's a minor figure in state politics, with considerable upside potential. But right now, at the state level, he hardly makes anyone shake in their boots. On the national level, he's a cipher.

The notion that Montgomery can summon big bucks from around the country for statewide candidates in Arizona is implausible, to put it mildly.

I don't doubt independent expenditure campaigns will play in the Republican primary, and some of them will have obscure financing. But the notion that some large, national effort will focus on down-ballot state offices in Arizona strikes me as implausible. The vast right-wing conspiracy has considerably bigger fish to fry in the 2014 election than who is Arizona's state treasurer.

Opponents of HB 2305, the multifaceted election law bill, apparently have succeeded in getting sufficient signatures to refer it to the 2014 ballot, keeping it from going into effect. Supporters of the law will flyspeck signatures for a potential challenge, but this appears to have been a remarkably well-run signature-gathering campaign.

If it indeed is on the ballot, the prospects of the opponents prevailing are strong. I say that as someone who generally supports the law.

There are a lot of parts to HB 2305, ranging from removing those who don't use them from early ballot lists to changing the standard for legal compliance with statutory requirements for initiatives.

If there is an election, it is unlikely voters will focus in any detail on the specific provisions of HB 2305, adding up whether the good outweighs the bad. Instead, it will be an overall framing battle.

Supporters of the law will frame it as protecting the integrity of elections and providing for their smoother administration. Opponents will frame the measure as voter suppression and dirty dealing by the Legislature.

Opponents are likely to win this framing battle for two reasons: First, they are more committed and are likely to have greater resources. Second, supporters will have the burden of the "yes" vote. In referendums, a "yes" vote is to uphold the law. In contested ballot measure campaigns, the" no" side wins most of the time.

Most of HB 2305's election law changes would be nice but they aren't vital, with one exception. The bill would have stopped the practice of political activists collecting early ballots in bulk and delivering them to the polls.

Democratic Party and Latino political activists defend the practice as increasing voter participation. But it smacks of ward-heeling and is ripe for fraud. In the last election, the Maricopa County Recorder's Office reported two incidents of people going door-to-door collecting early ballots and falsely claiming to be election officials.

The Legislature should repeal HB 2305 and re-enact the prohibition on collecting early ballots in bulk as a stand-alone measure. If there is to be a ballot fight, it should be over something worth fighting about.

Reach Robb at robert.robb@arizonarepublic.com.

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Tom Foley, 84, former House speaker

WASHINGTON — WASHINGTON Tall and courtly, Tom Foley served 30 years in the House when partisan confrontation was less rancorous than today and Democrats had dominated for decades. He crowned his long political career by becoming speaker, only to be toppled when Republicans seized control of Congress in 1994, turned out by angry voters with little taste for incumbents.

Foley, the first speaker to be booted from office by his constituents since the Civil War, died Friday at the age of 84 of complications from a stroke, according to his wife, Heather.

She said he had suffered a stroke last December and was hospitalized in May with pneumonia. He returned home after a week and had been on hospice care there ever since, she said.

Foley "was very much a believer that the perfect should not get in the way of the achievable," Heather Foley wrote in a 10-page obituary of her husband. She said he believed that "half of something was better than none."

"There was always another day and another Congress to move forward and get the other half done," she wrote.

"America has lost a legend of the United States Congress," President Barack Obama said in a statement Friday, adding, "Tom's straightforward approach helped him find common ground with members of both parties."

Foley, who grew up in a politically active family in Spokane, Wash., represented that agriculture-heavy area for 15 terms in the House, including more than five years in the speaker's chair.

In that job, he was third in line of succession to the presidency and was the first speaker from west of the Rocky Mountains.

As speaker, he was an active negotiator in the 1990 budget talks that led to President George H.W. Bush breaking his pledge to never agree to raise taxes, an episode that played a role in Bush's 1992 defeat. Even so, Bush released a statement Friday lauding Foley.

"Tom never got personal or burned bridges," said Bush. "We didn't agree on every issue, but on key issues we managed to put the good of the country ahead of politics."

Also in 1990, Foley let the House vote on a resolution authorizing Bush to use force against Iraq for its invasion of Kuwait, despite "strong personal reservations and the strenuous objections of a good many" House Democrats, Bob Michel, an Illinois Republican who was House minority leader at the time, recalled Friday.

"But he granted our request for a vote because it was the right thing to do. He was that kind of leader," Michel said in a statement.

Foley was also at the helm when, in 1992, revelations that many lawmakers had been allowed to overdraw their checking accounts at the House bank provoked a wave of anger against incumbents. In 1993, he helped shepherd President Bill Clinton's budget through the House.

He never served a day as a member of the House's minority party. The Republican capture of the chamber in 1994 gave them control for the first time in 40 years and Foley, it turned out, was their prize victim.

He was replaced as speaker by his nemesis, Rep. Newt Gingrich, R-Ga., leader of a group of rebellious younger Republicans who rejected the less-combative tactics of established GOP leaders like Michel.

Foley was defeated in 1994 by 4,000 votes by Spokane attorney George Nethercutt, a Republican who supported term limits, which the speaker fought. Also hurting Foley was his ability to bring home federal benefits, which Nethercutt used by accusing him of pork-barrel politics.

Foley later served as U.S. ambassador to Japan for four years in the Clinton administration.

On Friday, House Speaker John Boehner, R-Ohio, called Foley "forthright and warmhearted" in a written statement.

"Tom Foley endeared himself not only to the wheat farmers back home but also colleagues on both sides of the aisle," Boehner said. "That had a lot to do with his solid sense of fairness, which remains a model for any speaker or representative."

House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., called Foley "a quintessential champion of the common good" who "inspired a sense of purpose and civility that reflects the best of our democracy."

She added, "Speaker Foley's unrivaled ability to build consensus and find common ground earned him genuine respect on both sides of the aisle."

In a 2004 Associated Press interview, Foley spoke about how voters did not appreciate the value of service as party leader and said rural voters were turning against Democrats.

"We need to examine how we are responding to this division ? particularly the sense in some rural areas that the Democratic Party is not a party that respects faith or family or has respect for values," he said. "I think that's wrong, but it's a dangerous perception if it develops as it has."

Foley loved the classics and art, hobnobbing with presidents, and his steady rise to power in Congress and diplomacy. He had a fine stereo system in his Capitol office.

He also loved riding horseback in parades and getting his boots dirty in the rolling hills of the Palouse country that his pioneer forebears helped settle.

Foley studied at the feet of the state's two legendary senators, Henry M. Jackson and Warren G. Magnuson. "Scoop" Jackson was his mentor and urged his former aide to run for the House in 1964, a landslide year for Democrats.

Foley worked with leadership to get plum committee assignments. Retirement, new seniority rules, election losses and leadership battles lifted Foley into the Agriculture Committee chairmanship by age 44. He eventually left that post, which he later called his favorite leadership position, to become Democratic whip, the caucus' third-ranking post.

Similar good fortune elevated him to majority leader, and the downfall of Jim Wright of Texas lifted him to the speaker's chair, where he served from June 1989 until January 1995.

"I wish I could say it was merit and hard work, but I think so much of what happens in a political career is the result of circumstances that are favorable and opportunities that come about," Foley told the AP in 2003.

He said his proudest achievements were farm bills, hunger programs, civil liberties, environmental legislation and civil-rights bills. Helping individual constituents also was satisfying, he said. Even though his views were often considerably to the left of his mostly Republican constituents, he said he tried to stay in touch.

Sen. Patty Murray, D-Wash., tweeted Friday, "Tom Foley was a tireless, dedicated public servant for WA & the nation. I wouldn't be where I am today w/o his support. He'll be missed."

Cathy McMorris Rodgers, R-Wash., the No. 4 House GOP leader who holds Foley's old eastern Washington seat, called him "an honorable leader and colleague" who was "highly regarded and respected by Democrats and Republicans."

After leaving Congress, he joined a blue chip law firm in Washington, D.C., and served on corporate boards. Foley and his wife, Heather, his unpaid political adviser and staff aide, had built their dream home in the capital in 1992.

In 1997, he took one of the most prestigious assignments in diplomacy, ambassador to Japan. A longtime Japan scholar, Foley had been a frequent visitor to that nation, in part to promote the farm products his district produces.

His father, Ralph, was a judge for decades and a school classmate of Bing Crosby's. His mother, Helen, was a teacher.

Foley attended Gonzaga Preparatory School and Gonzaga University in Spokane. He graduated from the University of Washington Law School and worked as a prosecutor and assistant state attorney general and as counsel for Jackson's Senate Interior Committe.

Then came the long House career.

Cornell Clayton, director of the Foley Institute for Public Policy at Washington State University, said that growing up during the Depression and World War II made Foley part of a generation that worked in a more bipartisan manner.

"They saw us all on the same team," Clayton said.

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Analysis: Obama works to regain political standing

SAN FRANCISCO — SAN FRANCISCO President Barack Obama is urging donors to buck up and making a thread-the-needle appeal for bipartisanship with Republicans even as he calls for replacing the House GOP majority and holding his Democratic edge in the Senate.

Obama is seeking to gain back his political standing in the aftermath of his administration's botched launch of health care enrollment by defining himself as a pragmatic victim of tea party conservatives while casting his policies on the economy and immigration as popular remedies that could win bipartisan support.

"Right now in this country there is at least one faction of one party that has decided they are more interested in stopping progress than advancing it, and aren't interested in compromise or engaging in solving problems and more interested in scoring points for the next election," he told Democratic donors in San Francisco on Monday.

For Obama, the call for compromise is a veiled olive branch that also disguises a threat.

"What we're looking for is not the defeat of another party, what we're looking for is the advancement of ideas that are going to vindicate those values that are tried and true," he said at a fundraiser Sunday with House Democratic leader Nancy Pelosi seated among about 60 high-dollar donors. "But to do that we're going to need Nancy Pelosi as speaker, because there's just a lot of work to be done right now."

Less than 24 hours later, pressing for an overhaul of immigration laws, Obama extended a hand to House Republican Speaker John Boehner.

"Speaker Boehner is hopeful we can make progress" on immigration, Obama said Monday in San Francisco. "I believe the speaker is sincere, I believe he genuinely wants to get it done."

The diverging messages reflect Obama's dual desire to win a legislative victory even as he performs his duties as leader of the Democratic Party.

"I'm not a particularly ideological person," he said, adding he still is passionate about giving people a fair shake. "But I'm pretty pragmatic about how we get there."

Raising money in Washington and California, states he won handily in his two elections, Obama faced protests and hecklers from his liberal flank. During his immigration remarks in San Francisco, he was interrupted by a protester standing immediately behind him. The young man condemned the Obama administration's record number of deportation of immigrants who are in the country illegally.

"Stop deportation, stop deportation!" the young man yelled. Obama turned and listened then said that he was required to follow the law.

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Prosecutors just one part of the story, along with victims, conduct of defense <nbsp/>

(PNI) Regarding the prosecutorial- misconduct series, "The Gray Area of Courtroom Conduct."

There are three sides to any capital-case story: the prosecution, the defense and the victim/victim's family. We spent five years of hearings and two months in a trial with Maricopa County prosecutor Juan Martinez during my sister's murder-trial case (State vs. Dixon) and never saw prosecutorial misconduct.

Yet we saw multiple instances of defense manipulation, including delays, frivolous motions, etc., all of which were painful for the family of the victim.

The series is comprehensive, but the other two sides of the story should be explored and told.

--Leslie James, Phoenix

Montgomery driven by politics

I thoroughly enjoyed your special report on prosecutors who cross the line.

The larger point I took from the story was Maricopa County Attorney Bill Montgomery's lack of accountability with regard to all the misconduct in his office. When he does learn of it, he treats it as if it is of little concern.

He is too busy chasing his ideology to manage his own office. He is the most political prosecutor we have seen here in a long time. It's time he gives up chasing ghosts and do his job as county attorney.

--Bill Acree, Phoenix

Kochs are good for Democrats

Columnist Doug MacEachern ("For liberals, Kochs are evil personified," Oct. 28) claims liberals demonize the Koch brothers.

Ironically, the Kochs are the best thing to happen to the Democratic Party in decades.

They have dumped huge amounts of cash into the "tea party" movement, and their radical notions have alienated moderates and split the GOP in two.

The tea party basks in righteous indignation and a negative, confrontational style.

That approach works well with older voters and in the red states, but it alienates most Americans and nearly guarantees Democratic presidential victories in the next several elections.

Despite the worship of Ronald Reagan, the GOP has missed his most critical message. Reagan was a great president because he made us feel good about ourselves.

Not because he lowered taxes or made the government smaller. His sincerity and honesty brought people together rather than driving them apart.

Reagan was a pragmatist and resolutely committed to success.

He never would have condoned the tea party's quixotic quest to repeal "Obamacare" 40 times! It only serves to illustrate how powerless the tea party is.

--M.L. Frischenmeyer,Chandler

Health law is a godsend to me

Although I did have problems accessing healthcare.gov early on, in about the second week of October, I was able to access information regarding what plans at each company were available to me.

Once I decided which company and which plan I wanted, I contacted a company representative directly to sign up. My experience was very positive, and the process easy.

I've been buying my own health insurance for almost 14years, and I can tell you the Affordable Care Act, even with all the rollout problems, is a godsend!

Although I do have a pre-existing condition, (I'm sure almost everyone over 45 has one), I'm healthy and only need to see my doctor for annual checkups.

For 14years, I've struggled almost every year to remain insured.

My last coverage was going to cost me about $1,300 per month just for myself. Under the Affordable Care Act, my insurance will cost me $575, my policy is much better and my deductible is lower.

For anyone who will ever have to buy his or her own insurance, you can thank the Affordable Care Act for making it even possible.

--David Johnson, Mesa

Cartoon open to interpretation

Steve Benson's cartoon Sunday shows a serpent and a sleeping baby. It's no surprise the baby is "Obamacare" and the serpent is the GOP.

I think many people who are demonized by the left feel the cartoon should be just the opposite. The snake is Obamacare, and the baby represents average American taxpaying citizens who have families and small businesses.

It could also be taken a step further with the serpent just titled "Big (out of control) Government." Labels for the cartoon are numerous. Pro-lifers see the snake as abortion, with the baby representing, well, a baby. You get the idea.

--Charles Lopresto, Phoenix

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Truth-O-Meter checks claims about tax cuts for millionaires, number of gun deaths in U.S.

By Caryn Shinske
Published on Tuesday, August 7th, 2012 at 7:30 a.m.

The Truth-O-Meter this weekend took on controversial claims about tax cuts for millionaires and gun use.

In case you missed it, the Truth-O-Meter on Sunday handed down a Mostly False to the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee for claims made about tax cuts in a new ad. On Monday, a claim by U.S. Sen. Frank Lautenberg (D-NJ) about guns killing more Americans at home than on Middle Eastern battlefields received a Half True on the Truth-O-Meter.

DCCC claim

The group last week posted a series of videos on YouTube targeting 23 GOP House members, including New Jersey’s Jon Runyan (R-3rd). Runyan is seeking reelection in November against Democratic challenger Shelley Adler.

The ad campaign focuses on those representatives who were about to vote for "another tax cut for millionaires at the expense of the middle class and seniors," the group said in a recent news release.

But on Wednesday, the GOP-controlled House approved a Republican bill that extends all of the Bush tax cuts through 2013. Runyan and the other 22 representatives targeted by the DCCC campaign voted for the bill.

The House Republicans’ bill, however, would not extend five other tax policies benefiting lower-income households, which are separate from the Bush tax cuts.

Lautenberg claim

If New Jersey’s senior U.S. senator is to be believed, more Americans have been killed at home by guns than on battlefields in Iraq and Afghanistan, Lautenberg said in a July 30 opinion-editorial column posted on NorthJersey.com.

Lautenberg’s column said, in part, "In support of the two wars, more than 6,500 American soldiers have lost their lives. During the same period, however, guns have been used to murder about 100,000 people on American soil." Those numbers are technically accurate, but experts told PolitiFact New Jersey that the senator’s comparison is flawed because he uses raw numbers to compare two very different populations. Lautenberg also focuses solely on deaths of U.S. troops in Iraq and Afghanistan, when many more have died in both wars, experts explained.

To comment on this story, go to NJ.com.

Claim concerns

Have you read or heard a claim from a politician that sounds too good to be true or too odd to be believed? Share the claim with us in an e-mail to PolitiFactNJ@starledger.com and we may test it on the Truth-O-Meter.

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Lie of the Year 2011: 'Republicans voted to end Medicare'

By Bill Adair, Angie Drobnic Holan
Published on Tuesday, December 20th, 2011 at 12:05 a.m.

Republicans muscled a budget through the House of Representatives in April that they said would take an important step toward reducing the federal deficit. Introduced by U.S. Rep. Paul Ryan of Wisconsin, the plan kept Medicare intact for people 55 or older, but dramatically changed the program for everyone else by privatizing it and providing government subsidies.

Democrats pounced. Just four days after the party-line vote, the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee released a Web ad that said seniors will have to pay $12,500 more for health care "because Republicans voted to end Medicare."

Rep. Steve Israel of New York, head of the DCCC, appeared on cable news shows and declared that Republicans voted to "terminate Medicare." A Web video from the Agenda Project, a liberal group, said the plan would leave the country "without Medicare" and showed a Ryan look-alike pushing an old woman in a wheelchair off a cliff. And just last month, House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi sent a fundraising appeal that said: "House Republicans’ vote to end Medicare is a shameful act of betrayal."

After two years of being pounded by Republicans with often false charges about the 2010 health care law, the Democrats were turning the tables.

PolitiFact debunked the Medicare charge in nine separate fact-checks rated False or Pants on Fire, most often in attacks leveled against Republican House members.

Now, PolitiFact has chosen the Democrats’ claim as the 2011 Lie of the Year.

It’s the third year in a row that a health care claim has won the dubious honor. In 2009, the winner was the Republicans’ charge that the Democrats’ health care plan included "death panels." In 2010, it was that the plan was a "government takeover of health care."

A complicated and wonky subject with life-or-death consequences, health care is fertile ground for falsehoods. The Democratic attack about "ending Medicare" was a pervasive line in 2011 that preyed on seniors' worries about whether they could afford health care.

Even when explained accurately, the Republicans’ Medicare plan was not particularly popular with the public, nor with some independent health policy analysts. But the plan was distorted and attacked again and again.

"In terms of creating a national conversation about fiscal reform, the last thing we need is demagoguing attacks against people who have put forward serious policy proposals," said Jason Peuquet, a policy analyst with the bipartisan Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget. "It’s very worrying."

A persistent falsehood

With a few small tweaks to their attack lines, Democrats could have been factually correct, said Norman Ornstein, a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, a conservative think tank. "I actually think there is no need to cut out the qualifiers and exaggerate," he said.

At times, Democrats and liberal groups were careful to characterize the Republican plan more accurately. Another claim in the ad from the Agenda Project said the plan would "privatize" Medicare, which received a Mostly True rating from PolitiFact. President Barack Obama was also more precise with his words, saying the Medicare proposal "would voucherize the program and you potentially have senior citizens paying $6,000 more."

But more often, Democrats and liberals overreached:

• They ignored the fact that the Ryan plan would not affect people currently in Medicare -- or even the people 55 to 65 who would join the program in the next 10 years.

• They used harsh terms such as "end" and "kill" when the program would still exist, although in a privatized system.

• They used pictures and video of elderly people who clearly were too old to be affected by the Ryan plan. The DCCC video that aired four days after the vote featured an elderly man who had to take a job as a stripper to pay his medical bills.

"Both parties use entitlements as political weapons," Ryan said in an interview with PolitiFact. "Republicans do it to Democrats; Democrats do it to Republicans. So I knew that this would be a political weapon that the other side would use against us."

Liberal bloggers and columnists contend it's accurate to say Republicans voted to end Medicare. Left-leaning websites such as Talking Points Memo, Daily Kos, and The New Republic said PolitiFact's analysis was wrong, as did New York Times columnist Paul Krugman.

"According to (PolitiFact's) logic, if the FBI were replaced with a voucher program wherein citizens would receive subsidies for hiring private investigators to look into criminal activity, but the agency running the voucher program were still called the FBI, it would be unfair to say that the FBI had been ended," wrote Jed Lewison for Daily Kos. "I guess it's their right to make that argument, but it's transparently absurd."

In a blog post, the DCCC stood by its claim, saying the ad accurately stated Ryan's plan would "abolish" Medicare.

But PolitiFact was not alone. Other independent fact-checkers also said the claim was false.

"Medicare would remain an entitlement program, but it would also be more costly to future beneficiaries. It would not end," noted FactCheck.org, a project of the Annenberg Public Policy Center at the University of Pennsylvania. The Washington Post’s Fact Checker concluded that while there’s "a worthwhile debate" about whether Ryan’s proposal should be adopted, "it is not true to claim Republicans are trying to ‘kill’ Medicare."

The Democratic attacks struck a chord. Polls showed voters were skeptical of the Ryan plan and want Medicare to remain largely the way it is now. That may be why the plan has virtually no prospects of passing the Senate, which voted to shelve the plan. President Obama has indicated he would veto any changes to Medicare that would privatize the program and substantially shift costs to beneficiaries.

How the Ryan plan would work

Under the current Medicare system, the government pays the health care bills for Americans over age 65. Under the Ryan plan, future beneficiaries would be given a credit and invited to shop for an approved plan on a Medicare health insurance exchange. It received overwhelming support from Republicans in a House vote on a budget blueprint.

Starting in 2022, beneficiaries would receive "premium support payments" from the government to help pay for the private insurance. People who need more health care would get a little more money, and high earners would get a little less.

The plan has some guarantees for coverage, although seniors would have to pay more to get the benefits they receive today, according to an analysis completed earlier this year by the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office (CBO).

The guarantees: Ryan's plan requires private insurers to accept all applicants and to charge the same rate for people who are the same age. The plans would comply with standards set by the U.S. Office of Personnel Management, which administers the health plans of federal employees. The Medicare eligibility age would rise from 65 to 67, an idea that has received some bipartisan support in the past.

The CBO found that it would save the government money. But it does so by asking future Medicare beneficiaries to pay more for the same benefits.

Ryan says the plan would offer more choice for Medicare participants and increase competition among private insurers to drive down cost.

"I’m a big believer in patient-centered choice, where the beneficiary is the prime decision-maker, which drives competition and innovation, and that’s missing from the status quo, to a large degree," he said.

It’s not the first time it’s been suggested that Medicare be changed from its current fee-for-service, where the government pays all the bills, to one that uses private insurers. In the past, some Democrats have even favored such proposals, especially if -- unlike the Ryan plan --  the support was linked to medical inflation, or there were an option for traditional Medicare, or there were more explicit protections for consumers.

Just last week, Ryan agreed to a new framework with Sen. Ron Wyden, D-Ore. Their proposal uses Ryan’s idea for private insurers and exchanges, but it leaves traditional Medicare as an option.

Private insurers already offer Medicare plans under the program Medicare Advantage, though those plans have proven more expensive than traditional Medicare, not less.

The partisan split on health care reveals the contradictions of congressional debate. Republicans were staunchly against the insurance exchanges in the federal health care law. But they endorsed them in the Ryan proposal, even as Democrats switched to oppose the plan.

"Ryan basically proposed the Affordable Care Act for future seniors," said Jonathan Gruber, an economist at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, who advised both President Obama and Republican Mitt Romney on health care. "I don't understand how you can like it for future seniors but not like it for today's needy uninsured. That doesn't make any sense."

'Scaring 85-year-olds'

Kathleen Hall Jamieson, an expert on campaign advertising who directs the Annenberg center at the University of Pennsylvania, says Democrats have been using falsehoods and exaggerations about Medicare and Social Security since at least 1952. She calls it the longest-running "Democratic deception."

It fits with a core theme from Democrats that they will use government to protect seniors and needy people, while Republicans supposedly want to cut those programs, she says. It is a scare tactic that works.

"If you're reliant on Medicare, a suggestion your benefits are going to be cut in any way is a direct, visceral threat," said Jamieson.

Republicans actually used a version of the attack in 2010, claiming Democrats cut $500 billion from Medicare to pay for Obama's health care law; the law actually sought to reduce the growth of future spending with a series of efficiency measures. But historically, attacks about Medicare have come from Democrats.

In the 1950s and 1960s, Democrats used images of Social Security cards being torn in half to suggest that Republicans wanted to cut the program. In 1995, Democrats said House Speaker Newt Gingrich's plan to restructure Medicare would force seniors to pay more and would "wreck" Medicare.

President Bill Clinton vetoed the Republicans' Medicare bill, and used the issue to pummel GOP nominee Bob Dole in the 1996 campaign.

Gingrich complained at the time that "Medicare is the one issue the left believes they can lie about and demagogue." He described the Democrats as "totally morally bankrupt" and said, "They are reduced to scaring 85-year-olds."

The scare tactics are effective because seniors worry about being able to pay their medical bills and Medicare is a vital program for them. Also, seniors represent a large, up-for-grabs voting bloc.

Jonathan Oberlander, a health policy professor at the University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill, said, "If you can scare seniors that something is going to happen to those programs, there is potentially a huge payoff in votes."

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Democrats persist with false Medicare claim

Sources:

Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, DCCC launches "Accountability August," Aug. 4, 2011.

House of Representatives,Roll call vote on H. Res. 34, April 15, 2011.

U.S. Senate,Roll call vote on H. Res 34, May 25, 2011.

PolitFact Virginia, DCCC says Hurt voted again to end Medicare, June 1, 2011.

PolitiFact Rhode Island,Cicilline says he fought Republican budget that ends Medicare, May 1, 2011.

PolitiFact,Democrats say Republicans voted to end Medicare and charge seniors $12,000, April 20, 2011.

FactCheck.org, Medicare Misrepresentation, July 25, 2011.

THOMAS,2012 Budget Resolution, April 15, 2011

Congressional Budget Office,  Analysis of Paul Ryan budget proposal, April 5, 2011

House Budget Committee,The Path to Prosperity: Restoring America’s Promise (Republican budget proposal), accessed April 20, 2011

Researchers: Warren Fiske

Names in this article: Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, Robert Hurt, Scott Rigell, Paul Ryan

We want to hear your suggestions and comments. Email the Virginia Truth-O-Meter with feedback and with claims you'd like to see checked. If you send us a comment, we'll assume you don't mind us publishing it unless you tell us otherwise.

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Lie of the Year 2011: Readers' poll results

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For tips or comments on our Obameter and our GOP-Pledge-O-Meter promise databases, please e-mail the Obameter. If you are commenting on a specific promise, please include the wording of the promise.

For comments about our Truth-O-Meter or Flip-O-Meter items, please e-mail the Truth-O-Meter. We’re especially interested in seeing any chain e-mails you receive that you would like us to check out. If you send us a comment, we'll assume you don't mind us publishing it unless you tell us otherwise.

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How we chose the 2011 Lie of the Year

By Bill Adair
Published on Tuesday, December 20th, 2011 at 12:01 a.m.

For the first time since PolitiFact started naming a Lie of the Year, readers and editors have made different choices for the top falsehood.

PolitiFact editors chose the Democratic line that Republicans voted "to end Medicare" as the 2011 Lie of the Year, while the winner in our reader poll was the Republican claim that "zero jobs" were created by the economic stimulus. (The Medicare claim was No. 3 in the readers' poll.)

We define the Lie of the Year as the most significant falsehood, the one that had the most impact on the political discourse. In 2010, we chose the claim made by many Republicans that the health care overhaul was "a government takeover." In 2009, we chose Sarah Palin's often-repeated claim that the health care plan included "death panels."

Both were easily the top choices for PolitiFact editors and our readers. This year, the choice was not as clear.

We started with 10 finalists ranging from Michele Bachmann's statement that the HPV vaccine can cause mental retardation to Barack Obama's claim that his review of federal regulations was "unprecedented." We examined each one to see if it could be considered the most significant falsehood.

We faced a new wrinkle this year: campaigning from both sides.

After we named the finalists two weeks ago, many liberal bloggers wrote that the Medicare claim should not be on our list because it was not wrong ("PolitiFact 2011 Lie of the Year finalist … is true," said a headline in Daily Kos). Some bloggers encouraged their readers to vote, which undoubtedly boosted balloting. A few people wrote in a vote for our own fact-check of the claim to be Lie of the Year.

On the other side, Rep. Paul Ryan, the Wisconsin Republican who authored the Medicare plan, emailed his supporters and posted a video on YouTube urging people to vote for the Medicare claim as the Lie of the Year.

We received 9,214 votes, nearly triple the number from 2010. The full results are below.

The "Zero jobs" claim, which won the readers’ poll with 24 percent of the vote, had been a popular Republican talking point that was uttered by everyone from Rick Perry to the National Republican Senatorial Committee. But we concluded it was more a falsehood from last year, when there was more debate about the stimulus, than this year. Indeed, our first fact-check of that claim was in February 2010 -- nearly two years ago.

The No. 2 choice for readers was Sen. Jon Kyl's claim that abortion services are "well over 90 percent of what Planned Parenthood does." This statement became famous because of a follow-up statement from Kyl's spokesman that the claim "was not intended to be a factual statement but rather to illustrate that Planned Parenthood, an organization that receives millions in taxpayer dollars, does subsidize abortions."

The "not intended to be a factual statement" part was ridiculed by critics and comedian Stephen Colbert, who began tweeting false statements such as "Jon Kyl calls the underside of his Senate seat: ‘The Booger Graveyard.’ " Colbert said it was okay because he included the hashtag #NotIntendedToBeAFactualStatement.

We, too, got a kick out of Kyl's explanation, but we don't think the abortion claim was repeated enough to be the most significant.

Likewise, Perry's claim that scientists are "questioning the original idea" that climate change is caused by human activity has not been a major issue in the presidential campaign and was not a strong contender.

We reached the same conclusion on Bachmann's statement that the HPV vaccine causes mental retardation. It’s an interesting falsehood, but it didn't become a significant issue because of widespread agreement Bachmann was incorrect.

Another finalist was Mitt Romney's claim that President Obama traveled the world and "apologized for America." Romney said this many times (he even titled his book No Apology), but it wasn't picked up much by other candidates and didn't reach critical mass.

We discussed each of the other finalists and concluded that while clearly false, they failed to be as significant as the Medicare claim, which ignored the fact that people 55 and older would remain on traditional Medicare and that even with the privatized system under Ryan's bill, younger people would still receive a guarantee of care.

And more than any of our other finalists, the Medicare claim had staying power. The Democrats launched it just four days after the House vote in April and then repeated it many times all year. It was the latest chapter in a long-running "Mediscare" strategy to frighten senior citizens that their benefits are in jeopardy if they support Republicans.

As we were concluding our reporting for our Lie of the Year story last week, Ryan announced that he was altering his plan and would retain an option for people to stay in traditional Medicare if they want.

His announcement of a bipartisan effort with Sen. Ron Wyden, D-Ore., changes the dynamic in the polarized debate and could increase the likelihood that Congress adopts his approach.
Matt Miller, a senior fellow at the left-leaning Center for American Progress, wrote that Ryan "has plausibly inoculated his party against a full-frontal Mediscare campaign. Or at least he gives Republicans a credible rebuttal to neutralize it."

But Ryan's latest tactic doesn't affect our decision on Lie of the Year. The statements made about his original plan were clearly inaccurate, they were repeated by many Democrats and they perpetuated a 60-year tactic in using false claims to scare seniors.

-----------------------------------------------

Comment on the Lie of the Year: We'd love to hear your thoughts on our selection. Send them to truthometer@politifact.com

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It's getting hot in here!

By Willoughby Mariano
Published on Sunday, April 24th, 2011 at 6:00 a.m.

Things got hot at PolitiFact Georgia, thanks to Josef Stalin, an aging stripper and a Cobb County school board member.

Some days, there was nary a whiff of burning pants in the newsroom air. Atlanta Police Chief George Turner and U.S. Rep. Tom Graves earned Trues on crime statistics and taxes, respectively.

It all changed when U.S. Rep. Paul Broun cranked up the heat with a False claim about President Franklin Delano Roosevelt and Stalin. A Cobb County school board member made a weak claim about the school calendar.   

Democrats earned a Pants on Fire for an ad that claimed seniors might have to find work mowing lawns or running lemonade stands to pay for Medicare because of Republicans. In one scenario, an elderly man resorted to stripping. Hot!

Want to comment on our findings? Go to our Facebook page and hit the "like" button to join the discussion. You can also follow us on Twitter.

Atlanta Police Chief George Turner: "If you go strictly by the numbers, crime is down across the board. Last year we had a 10 percent decrease in the most serious crimes."
Worried about burglars kicking in your door? If you live in Atlanta, you might find some comfort in crime statistics, according to the above statement by Turner.
Yet many city dwellers don’t think they are any safer, according to a recent survey. We therefore took a closer look.

The numbers confirm Turner’s statement. In addition, the drop is part of a broader trend. Crime in Atlanta during the past decade is down by about 30 percent.

Residents told PolitiFact Georgia they have noticed improvements, and recent audits of the city’s crime statistics found the agency is reporting them according to federal guidelines.

True.

U.S. Rep. Paul Broun: Says President Franklin Delano Roosevelt sent his advisers to study socialism with Soviet dictator Josef Stalin so the president could replicate it in the United States.
The U.S. is marching toward socialism, Broun says. During last week’s scrum over the federal budget, he lectured Congress for 45 minutes on why and included the above claim.
This was like no version of history your PolitiFact Georgia scribes studied. We took a look.
A spokeswoman for the Athens Republican told us his proof is "The Forgotten Man: A New History of the Great Depression," a 2007 book that is critical of New Dealers.
We read it. It doesn’t say what Broun’s office claimed. Its author told PolitiFact Georgia that the congressman’s specific claim is incorrect.

We interviewed other experts. One called Broun’s comments a "malicious, scurrilous lie." Another called it "a whole bunch of hooey."

Broun earned a failing grade: False.

U.S. Rep Tom Graves of northwest Georgia: "America's wealthiest 25 percent pay 86 percent of total income taxes. Wealthiest 5 percent pay 60 percent of total income taxes."
In honor of the tax deadline, Tom Graves, a congressman from northwest Georgia, began sending out messages last week about the current tax system. The above claim, which was broadcast via Twitter, caught our attention.

Instead of trying to figure who’s right about whether the rich pay their fair share in taxes, we wanted to know whether Graves’ facts were correct.

Graves was off by a percentage point on one of his figures, but both numbers are very close to Internal Revenue Service data. While using only the federal income tax as a stand-in for the total federal tax burden paints a somewhat skewed picture, Graves’ tweet, as worded, is accurate. He earned a True.

Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee: "Seniors will have to find $12,500 for health care because Republicans voted to end Medicare."        
A new ad shows seniors running a lemonade stand, cutting the grass and even stripping at a bachelorette party -- all to raise money to pay for Medicare.
The stripper, dressed as a firefighter, bellows, "Did someone call the fire department? Because it's about to get HOT in here!"
The ad critiques a budget proposal from U.S. Rep. Paul Ryan, R-Wis., that would dramatically restructure Medicare.

But to say the Republicans voted to end Medicare, as the ad does, is a major exaggeration. All seniors would continue to be offered coverage under the proposal. Instead of $12,500, the cost is more like $6,350. Plus, people 55 and older won’t see changes under the Ryan plan.

Furthermore, Republicans voted on a budget resolution that states policy preferences. They did not actually change Medicare.
It is hot in here, but don’t blame the stripper. The Democrats’ Pants are on Fire!

Cobb County school board member Kathleen Angelucci: "It is a fact that it costs more to run the schools in August."
Cobb’s school board has debated for years about whether to start the school year at the beginning of August or a week or two later.

In 2009, it moved up the start to the beginning of August. In February, it pushed it back to Aug. 15. Angelucci supported the later start and made the above claim.

We called and e-mailed Angelucci repeatedly and didn’t get a reply. When we finally caught up with her at a recent board meeting she promised to send us supporting data. She didn’t.

Local school district officials who start school earlier said they did not have data on cost savings, but some said there were benefits such as fewer faculty absences that save the district money.  

Nationally, there’s little research.

There is scant evidence that Angelucci made a valid point, and she provided nothing to back up her statement. Barely True.

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Readers concur, 'Six Californias' don't add up

SACRAMENTO—Judging by your emails, many readers agree with me that a proposed ballot measure to split California into six states is crazy. "Ridiculous." "Laughable."

Also, you concur that this bird will never fly.

Not only would the plan need to be approved by California voters, Congress and the president would have to sign off, too.

"Do you really think Democrats would ever allow anything to disrupt the 55-electoral-vote advantage they get every four years?" from California, reader Kurt wrote.

Very good point. California has been solid blue for the Democratic presidential candidate in the past six elections. Split the state six ways and perhaps half those electoral votes would turn Republican red.

And this from Todd: "The drawing of these lines will mean a huge boom in Republican U.S. Senators…which I probably don't want to share with GOP voters if this qualifies for the ballot. That's bad news from where this progressive Santa Monican sits."

Yes, by my calculation, the 12 senators produced by the new states very likely would be split half Democrat, half Republican. Today, both senators are Democrats.

Looking at voter registrations, three states—West California, Silicon Valley and North California—would favor Democrats. Three—South California, Central California and Jefferson—would side Republican.

Specifically, West California would include Los Angeles, Ventura, Santa Barbara and San Luis Obispo counties. Silicon Valley: San Francisco, most of the Bay Area and Monterey County. North California: Marin County and the Napa-Sonoma wine country, east through Sacramento to Lake Tahoe.

Color the rest red. South California: Orange, San Diego, Imperial, Riverside and San Bernardino counties. Central California: the San Joaquin Valley east to Nevada. Jefferson: thirteen small counties north to the Oregon line.

All this is the craftsmanship of super-rich Silicon Valley venture capitalist Tim Draper, who has poured nearly $2 million into a signature-gathering drive to qualify his "Six Californias" initiative for the state ballot. He has until mid-May to turn in 808,000 valid voter signatures to place the proposition on the November ballot. He says he's "close."

Draper, registered independent of any party, contends that California is too big, too ungovernable and too insensitive to local problems. "These states have very, very different interests," he says.

"People in the far south are worried about immigration law. Silicon Valley has different immigration interests and wants a state more in touch with technology. Hollywood is concerned about copyright laws and retaining movie production. The [San Joaquin] Valley is worried about water and losing jobs. People up north are concerned about taxation without representation. It's all legitimate."

"The state needs a refresh," he concludes.

Not all the emailers—perhaps some with tongue in cheek—believe Draper is chasing a losing cause. One sees potential strong political support.

"There would be five more governorships and 10 more U.S. Senate seats available," Edward wrote. "There must be many politicians who realize that in the current California they have no chance of being a governor or a senator, but in one of the six states they might have a good chance."

Heck, after he's termed out in 2018 at age 80, Gov. Jerry Brown—already California's longest-serving governor ever—could keep on running in another state.

Reader Michael predicted that the California crackup would be approved by South California voters "because they think everyone in L.A. is nuts." It certainly would pass in Central California, he continued, "because we KNOW everyone else is nuts." And it would be endorsed in Silicon Valley "because they want to keep all the tax revenue from high wage earners for themselves."

Michael may be on to something, although he's overlooking an ugly truth about his proposed new state of Central California. It would be poorer than dirt—the poorest state in the nation, in fact, poorer even than Mississippi.

The legislative analyst's office conducted an in-depth study of Draper's proposal.

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Contributions to California congressional candidates disclosed

Campaign contributions are flowing briskly to candidates in some of California's hottest congressional races, including two of the most vocal proponents of getting money out of politics.

Incumbents in races in the Sacramento area, Central Valley, Bay Area and Riverside and Ventura counties each have raised more than $1 million to fend off vigorous challengers.

And in San Diego County, freshman Democratic Rep. Scott Peters and his main opponent, Republican Carl DeMaio, were nearly neck and neck, with Peters taking in nearly $1.8 million to DeMaio's almost $1.5 million.

Candidates and their operatives were busy scrutinizing their rivals' financial disclosures Wednesday, hours after the midnight Tuesday filing deadline at the Federal Election Commission.

Peters' campaign pounced on a $2,500 contribution to DeMaio from a Koch Industries Inc. political action committee, saying in a fundraising email that it upends DeMaio's claim of being a moderate.

Billionaire industrialists Charles and David Koch — conservatives who were early backers of the small-government tea party movement in the GOP — have become a favorite target of Democrats in this year's campaign.

"Scott Peters has embraced the hypocrisy and double standards of Washington politics," Dave McCulloch, spokesman for the DeMaio campaign, responded in an email to The Times. "Scott Peters is just desperate to distract voters from the millions in big business and special interest money he has taken."

Peters' campaign spokeswoman MaryAnne Pintar retorted: "The Kochs bankroll the tea party, and they're bankrolling Carl DeMaio because he shares their extremist values."

The race is emerging as one of the nation's most expensive House contests this year. Another sure-to-be-costly race is the one to succeed Rep. Henry A. Waxman (D-Beverly Hills). His Jan. 30 retirement announcement unleashed a crush of candidates for his coastal-Westside 33rd Congressional District seat.

Former Los Angeles City Controller Wendy Greuel, a contestant in that race, reported raising $672,214 — less than the $964,385 collected by no-party-preference candidate Marianne Williamson. The spiritual teacher and bestselling author began raising money when she jumped into the race last fall.

Defense attorney and first-time candidate David Kanuth, a Democrat, also outraised Greuel, reporting $798,453 in contributions by the March 31 end of the accounting period.

But Greuel collected more than other prominent Democrats in the race: state Sen. Ted Lieu of Torrance, who raised $566,762, and author and radio talk show host Matt Miller, who took in $517,822. Businessman James Graf, also a Democrat, reported lending his campaign $1 million but spent little and does not appear to have done much campaigning.

Greuel's strategists picked apart the reports and issued their own detailed spin on the fundraising race, parsing debts and expenditures and calculating how much of each main candidate's take could be spent in the primary.

Because of limits on how much donors can contribute toward a given election, excess funds are set aside for possible use in the fall by any candidate who finishes first or second in the June 3 primary.

Greuel's campaign calculated that her main rivals all had significant amounts that they could not use in the primary, while she had the smallest amount ($10,400) of contributions that must be saved for a fall campaign.

Williamson and Miller both have made overhauling the nation's campaign finance system a central theme of their congressional bids. But both have acknowledged needing to raise money to be viable candidates. Once elected, they say, they can change the laws governing money and politics.

All of Williamson's listed contributions came from individuals, including entertainer Nancy Sinatra, who gave $1,100, and Leslie Sword of Naples, Fla., who gave $2,600 — the maximum allowed. Sword gave her occupation as "joy seeker."

Williamson's contributions ranged from $10 and $50 to the limit, and some donors also gave money that could be used only for a fall campaign.

The vast majority of Miller's contributions also are from individuals. And the day before Tuesday's filing deadline, he released a proposal for revising campaign finance rules. His proposals include barring lawmakers from taking contributions from industries they regulate and strengthening disclosure rules.

Significant campaign finance overhaul has proved to be a tough sell in Congress.

Prodigious fundraising was reported in other races as well. Among the candidates who have collected the most are Rep. Ami Bera (D-Elk Grove), with just over $2 million, and Rep. Michael M. Honda (D-San Jose). Honda has raised $1.9 million but faces a challenger from his own party, former Obama administration official Ro Khanna, who took in much more: $3.67 million.

Khanna reported $1.9 million in cash on hand, compared with Honda's slightly more than $1 million.

In an Inland Empire race to succeed Rep. Gary G. Miller (R-Rancho Cucamonga), Redlands Mayor Pete Aguilar and Colton attorney Eloise Gomez Reyes, both Democrats, led in fundraising among the four Democrats and three Republicans who are running.

Aguilar raised $910,730 and had $683,236 in the bank. Reyes collected $710,503 and reported $534,824 in the bank.

Others in hot races who have raised at least $1 million are incumbent Reps. David Valadao (R-Hanford) and Julia Brownley (D-Westlake Village).

jean.merl@latimes.com

richard.simon@latimes.com

Merl reported from Los Angeles and Simon from Washington.

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Watched by his son Henry, Democratic Senate candidate Bob Kerrey delivers his concession speech at the Nebraska Democratic Party's election night gathering in La Vista.

Top-two primary might be bad for small-party candidates

Peace and Freedom Party candidate Cindy Sheehan, pictured in 2007, says the top-two system "seems designed to kill" smaller political parties. (Jerry Larson / Associated Press)

When California voters decided to change the way the state's primary elections work, the move was cast as an effort to moderate a state Capitol gripped by polarization.

If the top two vote-getters in a primary faced off against one another in November regardless of their party affiliation, the reasoning went, hard-nosed politicians who typically put party purity above all else would be forced to court less partisan voters. That could mean more centrists elected to office, more political compromise and better governance.

But with the approach of only the second election since the enactment of the "jungle" primary — the first featuring candidates for statewide office — some argue that the change has had a decidedly undemocratic effect, muzzling the voices of small-party candidates.

The Green Party, the American Independent Party and other minor groups will now rarely — if ever — appear on the general election ballot, even though they represent 1.2 million people. And they could eventually find themselves out of existence in California, the critics fear.

"It's just a violation of voting rights," said Richard Winger, a Libertarian and publisher of the San Francisco-based Ballot Access News. "Because the right to vote includes the right of the choice."

Antiwar and social justice activist Cindy Sheehan, running for governor as a member of the Peace and Freedom Party, paints a more dire picture. "It seems designed to kill our parties," Sheehan said.

Membership outside the Democratic and Republican parties and among those who state no party preference is admittedly a sliver of California's electorate. And every party has equal footing — at least theoretically — in the current primary system, which voters approved in 2010 for all races except presidential contests.

But already, far fewer third-party candidates have been able to qualify for the general election ballot.

In June 2012, with more than 150 races taking place under rules being applied for the first time, only three minor-party candidates made it to November. This year, no third-party candidate is likely to appear on the fall ballot for governor, attorney general or other high office.

It is more costly now for small parties to place a candidate on the ballot. Previously, Democratic or Republican candidates for statewide office had to pay a filing fee of $2,610 to $3,480 or gather the signatures of 10,000 registered voters to make the cut. But members of smaller parties were allotted a sharp discount and needed only as many as 150 signatures to avoid the fee.

This resulted in a plethora of candidates qualifying for the ballot. In 2010, 33 candidates representing smaller parties ran for statewide office, from the Green, Libertarian, Peace and Freedom, and American Independent parties. Because of closed party nominations, each party was guaranteed a spot on the November ballot.

This year, the filing fees are the same but there are no discounts for small parties. Now, there are only 10 candidates for statewide office from seven minor parties. And barring a major upheaval, none will proceed past the June primary because most Californians still vote for Democrats or Republicans.

"There's no question that the minor parties are disadvantaged by the top-two rule," said Richard Hasen, a law professor at UC Irvine who specializes in elections.

By contrast, candidates who do not register with a political party have benefited from the change. In the 2010 California primary, all candidates for statewide office had a party affiliation; this year, there are eight who state no party preference.

The occasional third-option candidate has won in California. The Green Party's Audie Bock won a state Assembly seat in a special election in 1999. Another Green Party member, Gayle McLaughlin, was elected mayor of Richmond in 2006.

In other states, Angus King won a U.S. Senate seat in Maine in 2012, and Lincoln Chafee won the Rhode Island gubernatorial contest in 2010, without party affiliations. Reform Party candidate Jesse Ventura won the Minnesota governorship in 1998.

Such candidates can shape campaigns even if they don't win, Hasen said, citing the effect of an unaffiliated Ross Perot on the 1992 presidential contest.

"His mantra was deficit reduction, and it became a major factor in the campaign," Hasen said. "In fact, it became something Bill Clinton adopted as one of his priorities. It never would have happened if not for Perot…. Losing minor parties does make the debate less rich."

Efforts are underway to offer relief to those groups.

The Green, Libertarian, and Peace and Freedom parties are pressing a lawsuit on appeal in state court alleging disenfranchisement and other harms, with a new argument filed April 3. And an Assembly bill that would reduce the level of support required for a minority-party candidate to be recognized by the state will be the subject of an upcoming hearing.

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Republican Sen. Marco Rubio of Florida is a Latino officeholder with national prominence, something the Democrats lack for the most part.

( Win McNamee / Getty Images / July 31, 2012 )

Republican Sen. Marco Rubio of Florida is a Latino officeholder with national prominence, something the Democrats lack for the most part.

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California's economic stability leaves Gov. Brown a new challenge

Gov. Jerry Brown, center, at a 2012 rally for Proposition 30, a temporary tax increase that voters approved. On his watch, the state’s finances have greatly improved, but big challenges remain. (Francine Orr / Los Angeles Times / October 30, 2012)

SACRAMENTO — Soon after Jerry Brown was elected governor in 2010, he invited the state's top budget official, Ana Matosantos, to lunch at his office. He had just two months to prepare his first plan for tackling California's $26-billion deficit.

He asked his assistant to fetch the budget director a sandwich. Then, Matosantos said, the incoming governor of one of the world's largest economies ate a single hard-boiled egg, sprinkled with salt.

Brown's dietary discipline was a hint of the regimented approach he would take to California's staggering financial problems, which he had promised to fix by pushing the state back into the black.

"I don't go to the theater. I don't golf. This is what I do," Brown told Matosantos.

For previous governors, California's budget was quicksand. Gray Davis, a fellow Democrat, was recalled by voters as state finances imploded following an energy crisis. Republican Arnold Schwarzenegger limped out of office with rock-bottom poll numbers, leaving a pile of debt.

But on Brown's watch, deficits have become surpluses, helped along by tax hikes the governor persuaded voters to approve. More money is being pumped into schools.

University tuition has stabilized.

Budget standoffs that once dragged through the summer are now wrapped up by the June deadline, lending the Capitol a new sense of orderliness. And on Wednesday, the governor called a special legislative session to prod lawmakers to pass his plan for saving money and paying off debt.

That record, which will be a major part of Brown's reelection campaign, is due partly to good fortune. California is benefiting from a nationwide economic recovery that has helped flood the state with revenue. Brown is also blessed with a Capitol dominated by fellow Democrats and a 2010 rule change that lowered the number of votes needed to pass a spending plan.

"Somehow he managed to get all the stars aligned," said Norton Francis, who studies state finances at the Tax Policy Center in Washington, D.C.

But California's finances remain vulnerable in some ways, as Brown's main challengers in the June primary — Republicans Neel Kashkari, a former U.S. Treasury official, and state Assemblyman Tim Donnelly of Twin Peaks in San Bernardino County — have noted.

Brown keeps pushing for a $68-billion bullet train whose funding is in dispute. And although some debts are being repaid, others are growing as the state fails to allocate enough money for long-term funding of teacher pensions and healthcare for retired state workers.

The governor has acknowledged the gap. "By no means are we out of the wilderness yet," he said in January, although he has not detailed any plans to address those ballooning costs.

When Brown was inaugurated in January 2011, California was a punch line for jokes about government dysfunction. The state had $35 billion in debt — equivalent to more than one-third of general fund spending — that it had accumulated by borrowing money and delaying payments when it was short on cash.

Brown warned then that there would be more pain ahead.

"Choices have to be made and difficult decisions taken," the septuagenarian governor said in a speech when he was sworn in. "At this stage of my life, I have not come here to embrace delay or denial."

Unlike Schwarzenegger, Brown did not convene blue-ribbon panels to recommend ways to overhaul California's finances — ideas that mostly went nowhere. But like his predecessor, he cut aid to the needy.

Providers in the state's healthcare program for the poor are now paid less. Welfare payments are lower, and fewer families receive state-subsidized child care.

The governor's decisions paved the way for his 2012 tax-hike campaign, a defining moment of his term.

Brown had promised to seek voters' blessing before raising taxes, but he failed to win the needed Republican support to put the issue on the ballot. So he used the initiative process, asking Californians to increase income taxes on high earners for seven years and raise the sales tax for four years.

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U.S. Senate race in Hawaii pits opposing wings of Democratic Party

Sen. Brian Schatz (D-Hawaii), who was appointed to continue the term of late Democratic Sen. Daniel K. Inouye, is facing a tough challenge from Inouye's protege, U.S. Rep. Colleen Hanabusa (D-Hawaii). (Carolyn Kaster / Associated Press / December 27, 2012)

HONOLULU — In primaries across the country — in Idaho, Kentucky, Mississippi and other states — Republicans are locked in a heart-and-soul battle between purists and pragmatists clashing over what it means to represent the party, its philosophy and core values.

Here in Hawaii there's a similar fight over power and purpose, but this one is between Democrats. It's a fight for a U.S. Senate seat, a rare enough prize in a state that has elected just six people senator since statehood in 1959. But it is also a battle over age and gender, over ethnicity and identity, over old grudges and new tensions.

Rivalries and historical resentments often surface in Hawaii politics — sometimes years later, like a bottle cast to sea — and the fierce contest between appointed Sen. Brian Schatz and his fellow Democrat, Rep. Colleen Hanabusa, is no different: The two ran against each other in a 2006 congressional primary, and they both lost.

The latest contest arises from the death of Democratic Sen. Daniel K. Inouye in December 2012, less than a month shy of completing his 50th year in the Senate. Democratic Gov. Neil Abercrombie ignored what was presented as Inouye's dying wish, that the senator's protege, Hanabusa, be named his successor, and instead appointed Schatz, the lieutenant governor and a former head of the state party.

In choosing, Abercrombie cited seniority as an overriding factor. Schatz is 41 and Hanabusa is 62, which suggests — actuarially speaking — he could serve many more years and gain more clout for a state that has counted for decades on a generous ladling of federal largess, thanks to Inouye's power and longevity. After tourism, the U.S. military is Hawaii's biggest source of income.

"Go to Washington, bring federal dollars home," said Randy Perreira, head of the Hawaii Government Employees Assn., the state's largest and most powerful union, which has endorsed Schatz. "That's the game."

Abercrombie's mention of age led Hanabusa to accuse the governor of sexism, suggesting his comments insulted women who devote themselves to family and start their professional careers later in life. (Hanabusa has no children but practiced law for several years before launching her political career.) "We make choices," Hanabusa said in an interview. "We have to."

Another fault line is race and ethnicity. Asians make up the largest segment of the population, about 4 in 10 residents, followed by whites, at just over 25%. Nearly a quarter of the population identifies itself as being of two races.

A generation of Japanese American World War II veterans, including Inouye, helped break down long-standing economic and social barriers that had once favored white plantation owners and businessmen and, with the help of organized labor, converted pre-statehood Hawaii from a Republican-leaning territory into today's Democratic stronghold.

Within the party, however, there has long been a divide between pragmatists and a smaller group of activists, typically younger, whiter and more ideological. For years, Inouye and Abercrombie represented those wings; now, it's Hanabusa and Schatz.

They took opposite sides in the bitter 2008 Democratic presidential contest: Hanabusa, like Inouye, backed Hillary Rodham Clinton. Schatz, like Abercrombie, was an early and ardent backer of native son Barack Obama and ran his successful Hawaii campaign.

Philosophically, though, the Senate contestants are largely in sync. The National Journal, which annually rates congressional members by ideology, has Schatz tied with two others this year as the most liberal member of the U.S. Senate. Hanabusa, who was elected to Congress in 2010 after serving as state Senate president, consistently ranks among the more liberal House members.

There are differences on some issues, among them Hanabusa's support for limited drilling in Alaska's Arctic National Wildlife Refuge, reminiscent of Inouye's long alliance with Republican former Sen. Ted Stevens of Alaska, who pushed to open oil production there. Schatz opposes it.

Hanabusa also opposed forcing drug companies to pay the federal government a rebate for bulk purchases under the Medicare and Medicaid programs and voted to support the Simpson-Bowles commission, which, among its proposals, suggested raising the age for Social Security benefits to help cut the federal deficit.

Hanabusa said she opposed changes to Social Security but supported the commission's model as a starting point for discussion. Indeed, members of the Democratic House leadership also backed Simpson-Bowles.

Still, the Schatz campaign raises those examples to question Hanabusa's fealty to the Democratic Party's principles. His first TV ad featured the senator in a homey setting with his elderly father-in-law, vowing to protect Social Security. Hanabusa, who has raised only about half as much campaign cash as Schatz, has yet to begin her TV advertising.

Schatz said the race should be about performance, favorably comparing his year-plus in the Senate with Hanabusa's House record. He says his endorsement by President Obama — a rare intervention in a primary — and support from Senate Democratic Majority Leader Harry Reid of Nevada, along with much of the rest of the party establishment, means he can deliver in ways the congresswoman cannot.

"That's what I want to make this election about," Schatz said in an interview.

Hanabusa said she would have "the same kinds of relationships and opportunities afforded to me as well" if elected to the Senate. Sounding a rare note of bipartisanship, she said it was important to work across the aisle, as Inouye did. "Times change and majority status changes," she said. "What doesn't change is relationships that are built."

Much of the drama surrounding the race so far has focused on a letter, ascribed to Inouye on his deathbed, seeking Hanabusa's selection. Abercrombie has questioned the authorship and said Inouye told him, privately, to use his best judgment in filling any vacancy.

"I wouldn't want the Senate race to get lost in this question of what Sen. Inouye wanted or didn't want," Abercrombie told The Times this month.

With so many cross-currents, there seems little chance of that. Polling is difficult in Hawaii, a state with one of the worst turnout rates in the country. But all sides agree the race is exceedingly close and will probably stay that way to the end.

The outcome probably won't affect the fight for control of the Senate. Whoever wins the Aug. 9 Democratic primary is overwhelmingly favored to win in November and serve the remainder of Inouye's term. Then, it is expected, the incumbent will seek a full six-year term in 2016.

mark.barabak@latimes.com

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